Global ETD Search

121	Blurred (County) Lines: A Comprehensive Analysis of Voting Patterns in Florida at the County and Regional Levels from 1950 to 2012 Yeargain, Tyler Q. 01 January 2015 (has links) Over the last sixty years, voting patterns in the United States have changed dramatically, and this is especially true in the state of Florida. Though there is some literature in the field of political science that outlines the voting and election history of Florida and identifies some trends, this literature is extremely limited and is not comprehensive of the data that is available up to the present day. This study seeks to find Florida’s voting patterns and to explain how they can be understood by both the casual observer and the political scientist. To do so, unique methodology was applied that used the "relative margin" of both a county and a region in a particular election to give the Democratic nominee’s performance context both in the election in question and in history, by comparing the actual margin of victory or defeat of the Democratic nominee to the statewide margin of victory or defeat. This was an illuminating process that ultimately revealed some truths about the election history of Florida: the counties and regions most likely to vote for Democratic nominees in the 1950s and early 1960 are now among the least likely to do so, and the counties and regions most likely to vote for Republican nominees in the 1950s and early 1960s are now considered to be "swing" or "tossup" areas that are regularly and alternatively won by Democratic and Republican nominees. Additionally, the pattern of each region in how it voted in presidential elections was compared to forty seven other states in the country to provide further context as to how the election patterns can be understood in context. Al Gore Alex Sink Barack Obama Bill Clinton Bob Graham Charlie Crist Claude Kirk County Dwight Eisenhower Elections Florida George Bush George Smathers George W. Bush Governor Jeb Bush Jimmy Carter John F. Kennedy John Kerry Lawton Chiles Lyndon B. Johnson Marco Rubio Midterm Politics President Reubin Askew Richard Nixon Rick Scott Ronald Reagan Senator Voting
122	Lycra, Legs, and Legitimacy: Performances of Feminine Power in Twentieth Century American Popular Culture Thomas, Quincy D. 19 April 2018 (has links) No description available. American Studies Film Studies Mass Media Motion Pictures Music Performing Arts Theater Theater Studies Womens Studies Wonder Woman Comic Books Bewitched I Dream of Jeannie, Supergirl Grease, Madonna Feminism Women Studies Performance Studies Les Miserables Ronald Reagan Buffy the Vampire Slayer Tomb Raider Lara Croft Anita Hll Monica Lewinski
123	Reluctant Globalists: The Political Economy of "Interdependence" from Nixon's New Economic Policy to Reagan's Hidden Industrial Policy Shah, Rohan Niraj January 2024 (has links) This dissertation examines the political, social, and economic responses to the end of the Bretton Woods system from 1971-1988 in the United States. It offers a “pre-history” of globalization which focuses on a period when international economic entanglement became a question of serious political debate within the U.S., but before “globalization” became common parlance. Contemporaries referred to the world after Bretton Woods as newly characterized by “interdependence,” a concept which highlighted vulnerability to external economic forces and declining national autonomy. This dissertation argues that far from enthusiastically embracing market globalization in this period, U.S. policymakers worked to supervise and manage global integration, and insulate workers, consumers, businesses, and themselves from the full force of the world economy. Restoring domestic social conflict to the center of our understanding of international economic policy, it investigates how labor unions and federations like the UAW and the AFL-CIO, business lobbying organizations like the National Association of Manufacturers and the Chamber of Commerce, and officials in the Treasury, Congress, and the Federal Reserve conflicted over their response to growing economic entanglement deep into the 1980s. It excavates a history of protectionism, planning, subsidies, industrial policy, currency politics, and other forms of state intervention—often driven by elites in the industrial Midwest and Northeast. The result of these collisions was an ambivalent and fragmented national approach to global integration which persisted until more recently than typically assumed. Rather than being driven by a coherent ideological vision for American power, or a clear-cut embrace of neoliberal theory, foreign economic policy was propelled forward by a much more contingent, ad-hoc, and conflictual process across this period. When globalization took on truly historical force in the 1990s, it was not because social conflicts over interdependence had been resolved, but because a more reluctant and resistant approach to global integration had lost its political and institutional foothold. History Economic history International relations Globalization--Economic aspects Industrial relations--Government policy Economic policy Economics--Political aspects Reagan, Ronald AFL-CIO United States. Federal Reserve Board
124	The best sin to commit : a theological strategy of Niebuhrian classical realism to challenge the Religious Right and neoconservative advancement of manifest destiny in American foreign policy Cowan, David Fraser January 2013 (has links) While few would deny America is the most powerful nation on earth, there is considerable debate, and controversy, over how America uses its foreign policy power. This is even truer since the “unipolar moment,” when America gained sole superpower status with the end of the Soviet Union and the Cold War. In the Cold War Reinhold Niebuhr was the main theological voice speaking to American power. In the Unipolar world, the Religious right emerged as the main theological voice, but instead of seeking to curb American power the Religious right embraced Neoconservatism in what I will call “Totemic Conservatism” to support use of America's power in the world and to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy, which is the notion that America is a chosen nation, and this legitimizes its use of power and underpins its moral claims. I critique the Niebuhrian and Religious right legacies, and offer a classical realist strategy for theology to speak to America power and foreign policy, which avoids the neoconservative and religious conservative error of totemism, while avoiding the jettisoning of Niebuhr's theology by political liberals, and, the political ghettoizing of theology by his chief critics. This strategy is based on embracing the understanding of classical realism, but not taking the next step, which both Niebuhr and neoconservativism ultimately do, of moving from a prescriptive to a predictive strategy for American foreign policy. In this thesis, I argue that in the wake of the unipolar moment the embrace of the Religious right of Neoconservatism to triumph Manifest destiny in American foreign policy is a problematic commingling of faith and politics, and what is needed instead is a strategy of speaking to power rooted in classical realism but one which refines Niebuhrian realism to avoid the risk of progressing a Constantinian theology. 327.73
125	L'influence de la situation géopolitique au Moyen-Orient sur la génération des accords israélo-arabes depuis Camp David I : La frontière d'Israël Hirtzlin-Pinçon, Olivier 19 June 2008 (has links) (PDF) La question moyenne-orientale est dans l'actualité depuis 1948. C'est en cette année que se crée l'Etat d'Israël sur les décombres du mandat britannique en Palestine. Dès le commencement, la guerre va commencer à fixer les frontières entre Israël et ses voisins arabes. Cependant, après 1967, une nouvelle question va apparaître, celle des relations avec les Territoires occupés. En conséquence, l'Etat d'Israël aura deux questions frontalières à gérer : la question interétatique classique et la question interne avec les Palestiniens. Cette recherche tente de démontrer les voies employées par les différents acteurs régionaux et internationaux pour trouver une solution à cette question juridique qui cause l'instabilité régionale. On s'appuiera sur le droit, l'Histoire, la science politique (en particulier, l'étude des idéologies sioniste et arabiste) et les relations internationales pour trouver une cohérence aux réussites et aux échecs qui ont émaillé l'histoire du Moyen-Orient depuis 1948 et le fait qu'Israël n'ait encore que deux frontières internationalement reconnues, une avec l'Egypte et l'autre avec le royaume de Jordanie. Moyen-Orient Proche-Orient Israël Palestine Territoires occupés Etats-Unis d'Amérique Syrie Liban Jordanie Egypte Arabie Saoudite Union Européenne Organisation des Nations Unies droit international frontières guerre de 1948 guerre de 1956 Suez guerre de 1967 guerre des Six jours guerre de Kippour guerre de 1973 guerre du Liban accords de Camp David Taba accords d'Oslo Wye River Sharm el-Cheikh Ben-Gourion Golda Meir Moshe Dayan Herzl Rabin Arafat Nasser Sadate Moubarak Assad Peres Shamir Barak Netanyahou Sharon Olmert Clinton Bush Carter Reagan Parti travailliste Likoud Herout OLP Fatah Hamas Jihad islamique Hezbollah Cheikh Yassine Ayache négociations pourparlers cessez-le-feu diplomatie relations internationales géopolitique accords israélo-arabes accords israélo-palestiniens

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