<p>Abstract</p><p>This thesis handles the subject about emergency preparedness. The cases that are chosen are Sweden and the tsunami catastrophe and Great Britain with the bombings in London. The purpose with this case study is to reveal what factors that are important for an adequate emergency preparedness plan by studying Sweden’s and Great Britain’s emergency preparedness plans and how they handled the two catastrophes. The questions for the report are as follows:</p><p>1. Why did Great Britain’s emergency preparedness plan on the London bombings function better than the Swedish in the tsunami catastrophe?</p><p>2. How was Sweden and Great Britain’s emergency preparedness plans formed and why were they formed like that?</p><p>The results was that the British emergency preparedness plan was more adequate because they hade a better communication to their citizens and a better relationship to the media than the Swedish one had. Both countries followed the ideal model that the theory presented but the British took it one step further by having a better layout and deeper understanding for emergency planning.</p><p>Keywords:</p><p>Emergency preparedness plan</p><p>Organisation</p><p>Government</p>

My master thesis concerns Sweden during the Second World War, and Sweden´s relation to occupied Norway. During the last spring of the war, German troops still sized 300 000 men terrorized the Norwegian country and populations. Troops evacuated the population in “Finnmark” and destroyed their settlements. As afraid of continued destruction of Norwegian industrial and other interests, the Norwegian government, now seated in London, appealed to Sweden at the beginning of February for a possibly coming and needed military help against remaining German soldiers. Sweden hesitated and waited for the end of the war to come and didn’t want to make any commitment of future actions, but ostensibly started up planning for an eventual military intervention. In April the Norwegian government appealed once again for help and suggested Sweden to mobilize the military as a press on the germen remaining troops to surrender. Sweden hesitated once again and consider to have had full information of the situation in Norway and therefore could hold an opinion of an inoffensive end to the war in Norway. The Norwegian government went very upset, not accepting another state to have better information of the situation in their own country and felt betrayed by Sweden. This thesis tries to describe the disagreement between the two countries and to scrutinize the information Sweden could have had to assert a position of a peaceful end in Norway.

Afrikaans : Vanaf 1924 tot 1926 het die Pakt-regering gepoog om die posisie van blanke werkers deur middel van wetgewing te verskans. Die wetgewing sou egter ten nadele van swart werkers strek. As gevolg van die regeringsbeleid van ‘beskaafde arbeid’ was dit vir swartes onmoontlik om soos blankes, op ‘’n minimum loon aan te dring en te staak ten einde hoër salarisse te beding. Voorts is sekere poste vir blankes alleen gereserveer en is swartes afgedank om vir blanke werkers plek te maak. Swart werkers, en by name die organisasies wat hulle vir die belange van die swart gemeenskap beywer het, het nie die 'beskaafde arbeidsbeleid' bloot passief aanvaar nie. Die Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union, die African National Congress, die Gesamentlike Rade en die Kommunistiese Party van Suid-Afrika het algar georganiseerde versetaksies teen die arbeidswetgewing geloods. Die Pakt-regering het bykans geen ag op swart verset geslaan nie. Waar die Pakt tydens sy bewindname in 1924 met optimisme begroet is, was die regering gevolglik in 1929 ongewild by die swart bevolking. English : Between 1924 and 1926 the Pact Government attempted to safeguard the position of white labourers. Its legislation was, however, detrimental to the position of black labourers. As a result of the policy of 'civilized labour' it became almost impossible for black labourers to insist on a minimum wage or to strike in order to obtain higher wages. Furthermore, certain categories of jobs were reserved for whites only and blacks were replaced by whites. Black labourers and, in particular, those organizations that worked for the benefit of the black community, did not merely accept the policy of 'civilised labour' in a passive way. The Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union, the African National Congress, the Joint Councils and the Communist Party of South Africa all launched organised resistance actions against the labour legislation. The Pact paid virtually no attention to black resistance. Whereas the Pact was welcomed with enthusiasm when it came to power in 1924, during the 1929 election it was extremely unpopular with the black people of South Africa. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

It has gone more than 50 years since Sweden officially started organizing and giving development assistance to needing countries. There have been many different Governments with differences in both ideological background and political aim during that time, not only in Sweden but also internationally. How much has circumstances and the different rule affected the Swedish development assistance policies? To answer that question has been the main aim for this thesis. In my study I have focused on the last 22 years, as from 1990 until 2012, and studied one budget proposition for development assistance per Government.  I have also studied some of the most important steering documents, important events and international decisions that have affected the Swedish development policies. Since the budget propositions show the ambitions of the Governments it is also their policies. It is these policies that I will analyze using the two variables: size of the aid, and the goal for the aid. The analysis is has been done using Nikolaos Zahariadis policy theory The Multiple Streams Framework. My study shows that the policies that were adopted 50 years ago still have a large, if not settling, impact on today’s policies. The main goal for the development assistance today only differs on a few words from what was written in proposition 1962:100. The economic goal which is one of the most fundamental parts of today’s development assistance, that one percent of Sweden’s GDP should go to international aid, was first decided in 1968. Finally, I have concluded that both the way the goal of the development assistance has been formulated and how extensive the frame of funding for development assistance has been, haven’t always percental been followed with how much money that have been spent on the budget point development work.

The purpose with this essay is to examine the hypothesis that states during crisis acts more influences by realism than liberalism. The essay will focus on the ongoing refugee crisis in Sweden and mainly on the insertion of ID-controls and how politicians motivate there decision. The arguments will be analyzed if they are motivated by realism or liberalism. The arguments that are positive for an insertion of ID-controls are motived by realism and therefore support the hypothesis. The objections raised by the opposition are often motived by liberalism but even the opposition is arguing the realism is superior to the liberalism. When the question is raised in the Swedish parliament there are no party that refuse the law instead most of the politicians are positive to the law of ID-controls, in the debate there are a few objections but these are not against the law, just minor interpretations about the effects of this law, for example if the ID-controls should apply to children accompanied by their parents. After this studied the conclusion is that stats in crisis are often motived by realism

Detta är en teoretisk uppsats som jämför ett antal olika relevanta teoretikers problematisering av begreppen IMF conditionality, nationellt ägandeskap och statssuveränitet samt dessa teoretikers syn på relationen mellan dessa. Jag har analyserat innehållet i ett antal olika litterära källor och jag refererar till ett flertal antal teoretiker. De ekonomiska lån som IMF ger till stater är villkorade med åtaganden som mottagarlandet måste uppfylla. Dessa villkor hänvisas ofta till som IMF conditioanlity. Statssuveränitet och nationellt ägandeskap definieras som en stats kontroll av sin egen inhemska politik, i denna uppsats begränsad till att gälla den ekonomiska politiken. Statssuveränitet går att definiera i ett vidare och i ett snävare perspektiv. I den snävare så är det regeringens kontroll av dessa frågor som är avgörande medan det i den bredare handlar om folkets kontroll av dessa frågor. Vissa teoretiker anser att IMF conditionality underminerar statens suveränitet och statens nationella ägandeskap av sin inhemska ekonomiska politik och att dessa villkor därigenom också försvagar folkets möjlighet till självbestämmande. Dessa teoretiker anser med andra ord att staten håller på att förlora kontrollen över den politiska utvecklingen och då staten är det medium genom vilket folket är hänvisat till att utöva inflytande genom allmänna val så undermineras på samma gång folkens möjlighet att påverka den politiska utvecklingen. Statssuvuränitet undermineras således både i snäv och bred definition på grund av IMF conditionality. Vissa teoretiker anser att statssuveränitet endast försvagas i dess bredare och inte i dess snävare genom att folket förlorar i ägandeskap genom att regeringen genom IMF conditionality gör sig i högre grad oberoende av folkets vilja. Ytterligare andra teoretiker försvarar IMF conditionality och hävdar att det hela handlar om ett partnerskap mellan mottagare och givare där låntagarnationen inte har gett upp ägandeskap och att IMF conditionality finns som en garant för att reformerna genomförs på ett effektivt sätt. Mottagarnationen har frivilligt tecknat ett avtal med IMF och har frivilligt gått med på att genomföra dessa reformer så det nationella ägandeskapet har inte förminskats menar dessa teoretiker. Jag kommer i denna uppsats fram till att IMF conditionality de facto har en negativ inverkan på staters nationella ägandeskap och på dessa staters suveränitet både i bred och i snäv definition.

The purpose of the study is to investigate the Western Sahara policy within the Swedish Parliament and Government, as well as how the policy has changed since. The study will help to get a broader understanding of how Sweden's foreign policy works and how the various international relations are covered. The theory of the study encompasses small state pragmatism as well as neutrality policy from Sweden's perspective. Sweden's policy on Western Sahara has changed in line with the aforementioned time periods: cold war, relaxation and terrorism. These periods of time have put in concrete work there you get an understanding of how the policies and Sweden have adapted during the different periods.

Syftet med studien var att analysera Sveriges regerings åtgärdsprogram för att bekämpa mäns våld mot kvinnor. Åtgärdsprogrammet analyserades med Carol Bacchis analysmetod What’s the problem represented to be, (WPR), och utifrån ett intersektionellt perspektiv. Tidigare forskning har visat på betydelsen av ett intersektionellt perspektiv i policydokument, dels för att ge en mer heltäckande förståelse för hur mäns våld mot kvinnor kan se ut, dels för att det möjliggör att utforma anpassad hjälp och stöd till de våldsutsatta kvinnorna. Resultatet visade att problemet med mäns våld mot kvinnor främst grundar sig i könsmaktsordning. Åtgärdsprogrammet utgår från att alla relationer är heteronormativa och monogama, där män beskrivs som förövarna men problematiserats inte ytterligare. Resultatet visade också på att det finns ett fokus på att beskriva de våldsutsatta kvinnorna. Stöd och hjälpinsatser formuleras efter kvinnans livssituation. Utrikes födda beskrivs som en enhetlig grupp, där regeringen utgår från att alla delar samma erfarenheter. Resultatet visade också på att regeringen har ett intersektionell perspektiv i deras förklaringar när det kommer till orsaker till mäns våld mot kvinnor, hur de våldsutsatta kvinnorna beskrivs, samt hur stöd och hjälpinsatser formuleras. / The purpose of the study was to analyze the Swedish government's action program to combat men's violence against women. The action program was analyzed using Carol Bacchi's analysis method What's the problem represented to be, (WPR), and from an intersectional perspective. Previous research has shown the importance of an intersectional perspective in policy documents, partly to provide a more comprehensive understanding of what men's violence against women can look like, and partly because it makes it possible to design adapted help and support for women exposed to violence. The results showed that the problem of men's violence against women is mainly based on gender order. The action program assumes that all relationships are heteronormative and monogamous, where men are described as the perpetrators but not further problematized. The results also showed that there is a focus on describing the women exposed to violence. Support and relief efforts are formulated according to the woman's life situation. Foreign-born are described as a unified group, where the government assumes that everyone shares the same experiences. The results also showed that the government has an intersectional perspective in their explanations when it comes to the causes of men's violence against women, how the women exposed to violence are described, and how support and relief efforts are formulated. / <p>2022-06-02</p>

The Upper Vaal Water Management Area (Upper Vaal WMA) lies in the eastern interior of South Africa. This WMA includes the Vaal, Klip, Wilge, Liebenbergsvlei and Mooi Rivers and extends to the confluence of the Mooi and Vaal Rivers. It also includes major dams such as the Vaal Dam, Grootdraai Dam and Sterkfontein Dam. The southern half of the WMA extends over the Free State province; the north-east mainly falls within Mpumalanga and the northern and western parts in Gauteng and North West provinces respectively (DWAF 2004). Several wastewater treatment works (WWTW) located in this area do not meet the standard set by the present legislation that addresses proper treatment of water. This results in number of problems that affect the quality of water in this catchment. It was noted by the WRC (2006b) that with the challenges of implementation in an environment of shared responsibility, it is increasingly recognised that public/government institutions must foster institutional cooperation and interaction for efficient provision of public services, both at the policy-strategy level and the operational-implementation level. According to WRC (2006b), poor cooperation between institutions in the implementation of their interrelated mandates has resulted in inefficient utilization of scarce resources and/or endless disputes. In order to address this shortcoming, a study that investigated the effects of cooperative governance in the Wastewater Treatment Works (WWTW) in the Upper Vaal Water Management Area was initiated. The results of the research indicate a lack of cooperation between the three spheres of governance that participate in the sustainable management of water treatment in this area. / Thesis (M. Environmental Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.

The Upper Vaal Water Management Area (Upper Vaal WMA) lies in the eastern interior of South Africa. This WMA includes the Vaal, Klip, Wilge, Liebenbergsvlei and Mooi Rivers and extends to the confluence of the Mooi and Vaal Rivers. It also includes major dams such as the Vaal Dam, Grootdraai Dam and Sterkfontein Dam. The southern half of the WMA extends over the Free State province; the north-east mainly falls within Mpumalanga and the northern and western parts in Gauteng and North West provinces respectively (DWAF 2004). Several wastewater treatment works (WWTW) located in this area do not meet the standard set by the present legislation that addresses proper treatment of water. This results in number of problems that affect the quality of water in this catchment. It was noted by the WRC (2006b) that with the challenges of implementation in an environment of shared responsibility, it is increasingly recognised that public/government institutions must foster institutional cooperation and interaction for efficient provision of public services, both at the policy-strategy level and the operational-implementation level. According to WRC (2006b), poor cooperation between institutions in the implementation of their interrelated mandates has resulted in inefficient utilization of scarce resources and/or endless disputes. In order to address this shortcoming, a study that investigated the effects of cooperative governance in the Wastewater Treatment Works (WWTW) in the Upper Vaal Water Management Area was initiated. The results of the research indicate a lack of cooperation between the three spheres of governance that participate in the sustainable management of water treatment in this area. / Thesis (M. Environmental Management)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013.