O campo da comunicação pública no Brasil transita em uma área sombreada. Os canais de radiodifusão públicos são confundidos com aparelhos de governo e operam como tal. A criação da EBC foi uma tentativa de inflexão nessa tradição. O que a diferenciou de outros sistemas públicos foi a decisão de colocar a gestão de seus conteúdos na mão da sociedade civil, por meio de um Conselho Curador, formado em sua maioria por representantes desta. Essa pesquisa estudou como se concretizou esse processo de representação da sociedade na EBC por meio da análise de um caso debatido no âmbito desse Conselho: a disputa pela diversidade religiosa grade de programação nas emissoras da EBC, em particular a TV Brasil. A pesquisa concentrou-se no período de 2009 a 2013, quando foram analisadas notas taquigráficas, mensagens do público que integra a audiência, documentos oficiais e entrevistas de profundidade com telespectadores. Com isso foram analisados os diferentes pontos de vistas sobre o processo que recomendou a suspensão da programação religiosa das emissoras da EBC e depois o recuo a essa decisão. A decisão, tomada pelo Conselho, apesar de ser afinada com a sociedade civil organizada e minorias, o isolou de outras instâncias de poder: o legislativo, o judiciário, o executivo e as instituições religiosas e, especialmente, gerou um processo que levaria a exclusão de um público majoritário das emissoras. A decisão fragiliza o Conselho enquanto instância de representação e revela o descolamento deste em relação às demandas da sociedade. O que coloca uma questão fundamental para a discussão da comunicação pública: o quanto o público que deveria ser objeto da comunicação pública vem sendo desprezado? / The field of public communication in Brazil transits in a shadowy area. The public radio-broadcasting channels are mistaken by govenrment devices and are handled as so. The EBC creation was an attempt of breaking this tradition. What made it differ from other public sistems was the decision of placing the control of its contentes in the hand of the civil society, by a Curator Board, composed mainly by its own representatives. This research studied how the process of the society being representated in EBC took place by means of the analysis of a case discussed in the scope of that Council: the dispute about the religious diversity, scheduling the EBC station, in particular TV Brasil. The study focused between the years 2009 to 2013, when shorthand notes were reviewed, as well as messages sent from the people taken place in the audience, oficial documents and in-depth interviews with viewers. Thus it was possible to go through the different points of view about the case in which recommended the suspension of the religious progamming in the EBC broadcasting stations and then the withdrawing of the decision. The determination, taken by the Council, although being lined up with the organized civil society and minorities, isolated itself of other political power levels: the legislative, the judiciary, the excutive and religious institutions, and specially, resulted in a process in which would exclude a vast majority of the public from the transmitter. The decision weakens the Council while representative body and reveals its displacement in relationship to the societys demand. Therefore, a fundamental question is put into discussion concerning public communication: how much should the public who is object of the public communication has been despised?

Le pluralisme religieux est une réalité objective au Royaume-Uni et en France. Les minorités religieuses, demeurent un sujet récurrent qui suscite d’intarissables réflexions, d’études, de débats scientifiques et politiques. Elles sont une véritable préoccupation pour le politique, l’Europe et l’Etat ; à telle enseigne qu’il faille s’interroger sur ce que l’Etat peut leur proposer comme meilleure protection au XXIème siècle. La France et le Royaume-Uni sont confrontés à ce défi. Outre, la neutralité de l’Etat au regard de la religion rend complexes les rapports de ces minorités religieuses avec l’Etat en France où le concept de minorités religieuses n’est pas connu du droit français en vertu du caractère laïque de l’Etat français proclamé par l’article 1er de sa Constitution et la loi du 9 Décembre 1905 de la Séparation de l’Etat et de l’Eglise. Les minorités religieuses sont un non-sujet en droit français. Mais au Royaume-Uni, les minorités qualifiées de confessions religieuses sont reconnues quand bien même l’Eglise Anglicane est l’Eglise établie et officielle, avec à sa tête la Reine Elizabeth II. Il n’y a pas de séparation entre l’Eglise et l’Etat. En Ecosse, l’Eglise Presbytérienne fait figure d’Eglise établie, mais séparée de l’Etat. Aussi, toujours liée aux minorités religieuses, la question de l’application du principe d’ajustement raisonnable pour écarter des cas de discrimination en matière religieuse. L’ordre juridique britannique connaît ce principe et l’applique. Alors qu’en France, ce principe est ignoré et fait l’objet d’une application purement informelle. Certes, la globalisation apporte des faits positifs en Europe et notamment dans ces deux Etats, mais elle contient aussi des risques auxquels il faut prêter attention au XXIème siècle. Ainsi, les minorités nationales, les communautés linguistiques et les différentes unités constitutives de l’Etat demandent, en faisant appel au principe de la diversité, la reconnaissance de leurs droits collectifs, une multiplication des structures régionales et le perfectionnement de leurs prérogatives. L’apparition des « nouvelles minorités », celles des immigrants posent de nouvelles difficultés. En pratique, la religion historique du pays est privilégiée. Les religions pratiquées par les immigrés – Islam, Bouddhisme, Hindouisme, etc – sont alors l’objet d’une discrimination plus ou moins forte. Le besoin de visibilité de ces religions – et de l’Islam en occurrence – remet en cause le cadre fixé à la fin du XIXème siècle qui régit le fonctionnement des religions dans les divers Etats. Cette évolution touche plus durement les Etats laïcs de tradition catholique comme la France que les pays de tradition protestante où la place du religieux dans l’espace public est par tradition plus facilement acceptée comme le Royaume-Uni. Il faut aussi considérer que les religions importées par les populations migrantes sont souvent des « ethno-religions ». L’enjeu identitaire y est considérable, et il tend même à se substituer à celui de la liberté de croyance. Le Royaume-Uni et la France s’inscrivent dans ce registre à propos de leurs minorités religieuses. / Religious pluralism is an objective reality in France and Great-Britain. The religious minorities remain a recurring subject which inexhaustible reflections, studies, scientific and political debates. They show real concern to policymakers, Europe and State; so much so that it is necessary to wonder about what the State can propose them as better protection in the XXIst century. France and Great-Britain are confronted with this challenge. Besides the neutrality of the State with regard to the religion, makes complex relationships of these religious minorities with the State in France; where the concept of religious minorities is not known of French Law by virtue of the secularity – laic – character of the French State proclaimed by the 1st article of its Constitution and the Law of December 9th, 1905 of the Separation of the State and the Church. The religious minorities are no-subject in French Law. But in Great-Britain, the qualified religious, minorities of religious confessions are recognized when well even the Church of England is established and official Church with at its head Queen Elizabeth II. There is no separation between the Church and the State. In Scotland, the Kirk as considered as established Church and separated from the State. Also, always related to religious minorities, the question of application of reasonable principle of accommodation to draw aside from the cases of discrimination out of religious matter. The British legal order knows this principle and applies. Whereas in France this principle is ignored and is the object of purely abstract application. Admittedly, the globalization brings positive facts to Europe and in particular in these two States, but it contains also risks for which it is necessary to pay attention to the XXIst century. Thus, the national minorities, the speech communities and the various constitutional units of the State require, by calling on the principle of diversity, recognition of their collective rights, a multiplication of regional structures and improvement of their prerogative. The appearance of the “new minorities”, those of immigrants raises new difficulties. In practice, the historical religion of the country is often privileged. The religions practiced by immigrants – Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, etc – are then the object of more or less strong discrimination. The need for the visibility of these religions – Islam I occurrence – calls into question the framework fixed at the end of XIXth century which governs the operation of religions in the various States. This evolution touches hardly the secular States of Catholic tradition like France, than the countries of Protestant tradition where the place of religious in public space is by tradition more easily accepted like Great-Britain. It as should be considered as the religions imported by migrant populations are often “ethno-religions”. The identity challenge is considerable there, and it even tends to replace that of freedom of belief. Great-Britain and France fall under this register in connection with their religious minorities.

La liberté de religion prend de plus en plus d’importance dans la jurisprudence de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme. Bien que le centre de gravité historique de ce droit fondamental réside dans sa dimension individuelle, les juges sont fréquemment confrontés à des aspects « institutionnels » ou communautaires de la liberté de religion : des droits revenant aux groupements religieux comme tels. En quête des prémisses de cette liberté, le chapitre 1er retrace les apports spécifiques du christianisme, du judaïsme et de l’islam en la matière. Les principaux instruments de droit international, universels et européens, ainsi que la jurisprudence de la Cour de Justice de l’Union européenne, sont abordés au chapitre 2 du point de vue de la liberté de religion collective et institutionnelle comme la toile de fond nécessaire à l’activité de la Cour de Strasbourg. Le chapitre 3 examine l’article 9 de la CEDH ainsi que d’autres articles protégeant des droits connexes à la liberté de religion avant de se pencher sur la notion de groupement religieux, dont la distinction d’avec les sectes (dangereuses) s’avère souvent problématique. Les deux derniers chapitres sont consacrés à une étude systématique de la jurisprudence de Strasbourg depuis l’admission, en 1979, de la première requête d’une « église requérante ». Le versant procédural, puis les droits substantiels sont successivement abordés. Leurs contenus seront analysés selon un double axe : d’abord, la liberté d’ « existence » du groupement, puis les plus nombreuses facettes de sa liberté d’ « action » ou de son « autonomie ». / Freedom of religion is becoming increasingly important in the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. Although the historical centre of gravity of this fundamental right lies in its individual dimension, judges are frequently confronted with “institutional” or communal aspects of freedom of religion: the rights of religious groups as such. Within the scope of the search for the premises of this freedom, chapter 1 explains the specific contributions of Christianity, Judaism and Islam in this respect. The principal instruments of international law, both universal and European, as well as the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union are discussed in chapter 2 in terms of collective and institutional religious freedom as the background necessary to the Strasbourg Court’s activities. Chapter 3 examines article 9 of the ECHR as well as other articles protecting any rights related to freedom of religion and subsequently addresses the notion of religious groups, whose distinction from (dangerous) sects is often problematic. The two final chapters are dedicated to a systematic examination of the case law of the Strasbourg Court since the admission in 1979 of the first application by an “applicant church”. The procedural aspect and the substantive rights are discussed successively. Their contents will be analysed on the basis of a double axis: firstly a group’s freedom to “exist”, secondly the more numerous aspects of its freedom to “act” or its “autonomy”.

Rooted in philosophy of education, the overall purpose of this dissertation is to renegotiate the relationship between education, religion, and democracy by placing the religious subject at the centre of this renegotiation. While education is the main focus, the study draws its energy from the fact that tensions around religious beliefs and practices seem to touch upon the very heart of liberal democracy. The study reads the tensions religious pluralism seems to be causing in contemporary education through a post-structural approach to difference and subjectivity. The purpose is accomplished in three movements. The first aims to show why the renegotiation is needed by examining how the relationship between education, democracy, and religion is currently being addressed in cosmopolitan education and deliberative education. The second movement introduces a model of democracy, radical democracy, that sees the process of defining the subject as a political process. It is argued that this model offers possibilities for seeing religion and the religious subject as part of the struggle for democracy. The third movement aims to develop how the relationship between education, democracy, and religion might change if we bring them together in a conversation whose conditions are not ‘owned’ by any one of them. To create this conversation, Hannah Arendt, Jacques Derrida, Søren Kierkegaard, and Emmanuel Levinas are brought together around three themes – love, freedom, and dialogue – referred to as ‘windows.’ The windows offer three examples in which religious subjectivity is made manifest but they also create a shift in perspective that invites other ways of seeing the tensions between religion and democracy. The aim of the study is to discuss how education might change when religion and democracy become questions for it through the perspectives offered in the windows and what this implies for the particular religious subject.

Family is the foundation society. Women are the backbone of families even in fundamental patriarchal society like Malaysia. However, Malaysia’s system of religious accommodation results in different rights available to individuals based on the states diverse religious affiliation. Contemporary family issues are inadequately addressed in current Malaysian Family Law: one for the Muslims and one for the non-Muslims. Most cases highlighted inconsistencies when conversion to Islam affected the rights of women during breakdown of marriage. In permitting a path to accommodate diversity, and to reach a new engagement between the civil and the Shariah courts, it is necessary to appreciate Malaysia’s history, sentiment, constraints and strengths. This paper proposes that not only Malaysia has adequate strengths to provide a strong platform to address the conflict, but possesses the mechanisms to create a dynamic set of joint governance of Family Laws to enhance religious accommodation.

Family is the foundation society. Women are the backbone of families even in fundamental patriarchal society like Malaysia. However, Malaysia’s system of religious accommodation results in different rights available to individuals based on the states diverse religious affiliation. Contemporary family issues are inadequately addressed in current Malaysian Family Law: one for the Muslims and one for the non-Muslims. Most cases highlighted inconsistencies when conversion to Islam affected the rights of women during breakdown of marriage. In permitting a path to accommodate diversity, and to reach a new engagement between the civil and the Shariah courts, it is necessary to appreciate Malaysia’s history, sentiment, constraints and strengths. This paper proposes that not only Malaysia has adequate strengths to provide a strong platform to address the conflict, but possesses the mechanisms to create a dynamic set of joint governance of Family Laws to enhance religious accommodation.

Delhi Secondary School is a public school with approximately 6,000 students; 300 teachers, 6 administrators, and countless headmistresses and support staff. It claims that its admissions policy is non-discriminatory, boasting that it admits students from all castes, religions and genders. Ethnographic tools, participant observation, and interview were used to discover how Delhi Secondary School supports religious plurality within their educational community as advertised on their web site, specifically how the music specialist teachers in Delhi Secondary School recognize students' religious diversity in their music curriculum. Analysis of my field notes, interviews, transcripts, photographs and other documents revealed that Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain and Catholic religions were represented in the devotional music that was studied and performed by the students. These findings suggest that the school supports religious plurality through participation and acceptance of spiritual acts during lessons, morning assemblies, concert performances and other daily activities. I conclude that the study and performance of diverse devotional music has important social and musical functions in Delhi Secondary School.

This study focuses on the teaching of RE in Zambian multireligious secondary schools. The problem faced in secondary schools is that currently RE is being taught with a single religious approach by the RE teachers instead of using a multireligious perspective as directed by the Ministry of Education (MoE). The aim of this study, therefore, was to find out why RE teachers tend to be reluctant to respond to the MoE directive in applying a multireligious approach to the subject. In order to achieve this aim, an empirical investigation was necessary. A quantitative and qualitative survey through self-administered questionnaires and in-depth interviews were undertaken by the 194 teachers teaching RE in selected secondary schools in the Copperbelt Province. The research reveals that the RE teachers' reluctance to respond to the Ministry's directive is a result of their different perceptions which are mostly influenced by their religious affiliations and the syllabuses they use. For example, the majority of the RE teachers involved in the teaching of RE in secondary schools are Christians, therefore, they are reluctant to teach RE that also includes non-Christian religions because they feel it would compromise their consciences and their own faiths. As a result, they prefer to teach the subject from a Christian standpoint. This approach differs from the MoE directive to teach RE from a multireligious perspective. In the light of the different perceptions concerning the problem of teaching RE in Zambian multireligious secondary schools, the following recommendations have been made: (i) Since the Zambian secondary schools have become multireligious, RE teaching should take a multireligious perspective if it is to be relevant to the needs of pupils of diverse religious backgrounds; (ii) The current RE syllabuses (2044 and 2046) require a critical evaluation and revision in order to ensure that they adapt to a multireligious tradition. Finally, the results of this study concludes that the teaching of RE should be firmly placed in an educational context by making no assumptions or preconditions from the personal commitment of RE teachers. The role of RE teachers is that of educators. / Educational Studies / D.Ed. (Didactics)

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2017-02-10T18:25:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LILIAN BALEEIRO.pdf: 929559 bytes, checksum: 6a4ccc723d7203716587e4a39fd32132 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-10T18:25:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LILIAN BALEEIRO.pdf: 929559 bytes, checksum: 6a4ccc723d7203716587e4a39fd32132 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-31 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / With this thesis we present the inter-religious dialogue, from the Brazilian religious pluralist situation, as a challenge for the discussion of religious education in public schools in the secular state of Brazil, with the purpose to overcome intolerance and religious exclusivism. In the first chapter we will introduce the present situation of religious education, especially in its important historical moments, the relationship with the secular state and the position of the Permanent National Forum of Religious Education (FONAPER). In the second chapter we analyze the Brazilian religious plurality taking into account the elements of the Brazilian religious map, relating it to data from the last census of IBGE, with the intention of knowing the Brazilian religious framework and the plural context in which religious education is inserted. In the last chapter we will discuss a proposal of a religious education as ‘a space of dialogue’ between different religions, making use of the foundational elements of the theology of religious pluralism and interreligious dialogue. The practice of religious education as ‘a space of dialogue’ is brought forward as the option that enables tolerance among religious groups represented in the school environment. / Com a presente dissertação buscamos apresentar o diálogo inter-religioso, a partir do pluralismo religioso brasileiro, como desafio para a discussão sobre o ensino religioso em escolas públicas no Brasil, enquanto Estado laico, possibilitando a superação da intolerância e do exclusivismo religiosos. Para isso, no primeiro capítulo apresentaremos a situação do ensino religioso, com destaque para momentos históricos, sua relação com a laicidade do Estado e a experiência do Fórum Nacional Permanente do Ensino Religioso (FONAPER). No segundo capítulo analisaremos a pluralidade religiosa brasileira a partir elementos formadores do mapa religioso brasileiro, relacionando com os dados dos últimos censos do IBGE, com a intenção de conhecer o quadro religioso brasileiro e o contexto plural no qual o ensino religioso está inserido. No último capítulo discutiremos a proposta de um ensino religioso como espaço de diálogo entre as diferentes religiões, utilizando para isso alguns elementos da teologia do pluralismo religioso e do diálogo inter-religioso como fundamentos. A prática do ensino religioso enquanto espaço de diálogo é possível e possibilita a tolerância entre os grupos religiosos que estão representados no ambiente escolar.

Toute coexistence religieuse peut être facteur de conflits religieux ou symbole de respect de liberté, de tolérance ou de vivre ensemble, dépendamment de la façon dont elle est comprise, ou de la nature des religions coexistantes. Même quand chaque religion partage une vision du monde différente par rapport aux autres, on constate que la coexistence entre religions révélées (christianisme, islam, judaïsme – et bouddhisme dans certains cas) est plus facile, car ces religions partagent d’une façon ou d’une autre certaines valeurs communes. Par contre, il est très difficile de concevoir une logique de dialogue entre des religions dites « révélées » et des religions traditionnelles. Pourtant, la rencontre du christianisme avec des cultures religieuses traditionnelles africaines montre que malgré les difficultés, il y a possibilité d’avoir des échanges fructueux aussi avec les religions traditionnelles. Dans le contexte haïtien, la rencontre du christianisme avec le vaudou ne laisse pas toujours la possibilité aux observateurs d’entrevoir que la religion est signe de paix et de cohésion sociale. Étant donné que leur antagonisme se caractérise souvent par des facteurs comme l’intolérance, l’irrespect de la liberté de l’autre, etc., le problème est surtout dans la gestion des rapports religieux. Néanmoins, dans certains cas où les intérêts religieux sont traités en second plan, il y a lieu de constater que le tableau de la coexistence religieux haïtien est riche en symbole de paix et de compréhension mutuelle. Donc, ce travail de recherche cherche à comprendre la conception que le christianisme se fait du vaudou et vice versa, dans le but de voir avec exactitude les facteurs de divergences acceptables (et non acceptables) et ceux qui pourraient être à la base d’un éventuel dialogue interreligieux entre christianisme et vaudou dans le contexte haïtien. Pour améliorer les rapports entre adeptes du vaudou et chrétiens en Haïti, ce travail propose des méthodes pouvant aboutir à un vivre ensemble religieux pacifié, plus tolérant et d’une connaissance réciproque et intelligente de l’autre. Le but du dialogue présenté n’est pas que le christianisme et le vaudou travaillent ensemble à tous les points de vue, ni même qu’ils s’acceptent complètement, il s’agit plutôt d’une proposition d’une vie commune dans la paix, sans calomnies et stéréotypes réciproques. / Any religious coexistence can be a factor of religious conflict or symbol of respect for freedom, tolerance or live together, depending on the way in which it is included, or the nature of the religions in coexistence. Even when each religion shares a vision of the world different compared to the other, it is found that the coexistence between religions (Christianity, Islam and Judaism - and Buddhism in some cases) is more effective, because these religions share in one way or another some common values. On the other hand, it is constantly difficult to conceive of a pluralistic approach in a logic of dialogue between revealed religions and traditional religions. Yet, the meeting of Christianity with traditional African religious cultures shows that despite the difficulties, there is a possibility to have fruitful exchanges also with the traditional religions. In the context of Haiti, the meeting of Christianity with the voodoo does not leave always the possibility for observers to foresee that the religion is a sign of peace and social cohesion. Given that their antagonism is often characterized by factors such as intolerance, the disrespect of the freedom of the other, etc., the problem is especially in the management of religious relationships. Nevertheless, in some cases where the religious interests are treated in the second plan, it has to be noted that the coexistence of these religions in Haiti can be rich in symbol of peace and mutual understanding. Therefore, this research work seeks to understand the design of Christianity from the perspective of voodoo and vice versa, in the aim to see with accuracy the factors of acceptable (and inacceptable) differences and those that could be the basis of a possible interreligious Dialogue between Christianity and Voodoo in the Haitian context.To improve the relationship between the followers of the voodoo and Christians in Haiti, this work finally proposes some methods that can lead to a peaceful religious coexistence, toward more tolerant and a reciprocal knowledge and intelligent approach to the other. The goal of the dialogue presented in this dissertation is neither that Christianity and the Voodoo should work together in all points of view, nor even that they completely recognize mutually their belief, it is rather a proposal for a common life in peace, without slander and reciprocal stereotypes