本研究透過針對台東縣都蘭社群建造傳統竹筏所記載的民族誌，探索該社群在政府授權的美麗灣民間興建營運後轉移模式(BOT)發展案中的角色與互動。研究內容包括了(1)對民間興建營運後轉移之模式的總體回顧，以及美麗灣此個案的評估。(2)在地阿美族社群對發展計畫反對的詳細論述。(3)在替代發展方案上的建議。我的田野調查包含了在社群集會與示威抗議活動上的參與觀察，但調查的重心則立基於一條阿美竹筏建造與出海的過程。本文的結論提供了一套能夠兼顧在地居民互動及外來廠商利益的發展方案，旨在透過融合相關各方的觀點以圖能夠減少衝突並促進共同利益。 / This research explores the dimensions and interactions of the Amis community under the Miramar Resort (MR) Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) development project authorized by the local county government through an ethnographic approach on the construction of a traditional bamboo raft in the township of Dulan, Taitung, Taiwan. The content of this study includes (1) A status review of the BOT policy in general and the MR development project in particular, (2) A detailed account of the local Amis community’s opposition to the project, and (3) Suggestion on alternative methods of land management. My fieldwork includes participant observation in the context of seminar meetings and activist demonstrations. However the centerpiece of the research at Dulan revolves around my personal participation in the construction of an Amis traditional bamboo raft and its launching into the ocean. Conclusions offer alternative ways for the development of an area that is interactive with indigenous peoples and outside commercial interests. The perspective taken is aimed at alleviating conflict through incorporating the views of stakeholders in the best interests of all parties involved.

L’objectif de cette thèse est de présenter la Banque islamique comme réponse à l’instabilité de l’économie de crédit. La lecture de la crise des subprimes au prisme du modèle post- keynésien de Minsky-Kindleberger permet d’affirmer que l’Hypothèse d’Instabilité Financière (HIF) débouche sur des propositions de gestion des crises financières. Car, si les crises sont inhérentes au capitalisme, il devient nécessaire et urgent de mettre en place des institutions à même de gérer les perturbations financières. Les réformes monétaires proposées au fil du temps par des éco- nomistes et le comité Bâle III posent le problème du développement bancaire. Dans le cas où la monnaie est séparée du crédit financier, soit le cas des reformes monétaires proposées par Fisher (1935) et ses disciples, nous rencontrons le problème du multiplicateur de crédit alors que le risque systémique est faible et il y a remise en cause de la nécessité du prêteur en dernier ressort dans ce système. Tandis que si la monnaie n’est pas séparée du crédit financier, cas des réformes monétaire proposées par des instruments de gestion tels que ceux proposées par Minsky (1982) ; Kindleberger (1989) ; Aglietta et Moutot (1993) ; Aglietta (2011) et le comité Bâle III, le risque systémique per- siste toujours. Dans ce dernier cas, c’est le prêteur en dernier ressort qui est le plus susceptible d’assumer l’objectif de la stabilité du système financier dans son ensemble en émettant de la liquidi- té ultime. L’étude comparative de deux cas de développement de banques islamiques, celui de l’Arabie Saoudite et celui du Pakistan, a montré que ces deux systèmes bancaires ont été confrontés au même problème que celui de la finance occidentale : le développement bancaire. Du fait que, si la monnaie est séparée du crédit financier – cas du Pakistan – les Banques islamiques sont à la fois moins vulnérables au risque systémique mais sont moins performantes. Alors que si la monnaie n’est pas séparée du crédit financier – cas de l’Arabie Saoudite – les banques islamiques sont plus vulnérables aux risques systémiques mais sont plus performantes. A contrario, même si la Banque islamique ne répond pas au risque systémique de l’Hypothèse de l’Instabilité de l’Économie de Crédit, elle résiste tout de même à la crise systémique de cette hypothèse du fait qu’elle ne peut en aucun cas conduire à une crise systémique comme celle des subprimes. Car, en contraste avec l’instrument du système financier conventionnel, les spécificités de l’instrument du système finan- cier islamique l’amènent à être moins vulnérable à la crise systémique. / The goal of this PhD is to analyze the Islamic bank model as a possible solution to the credit economy instability. Reading the subprime crisis through the post Keynesian model of Minsky-Kindleberger lenses allows us to assert that the Financial Instability Hypothesis (HIF) leads to proposals for financial crises management. If crises are inherent in capitalism, it becomes necessary and urgent to set up institutions able of managing financial perturbations. The monetary reforms suggested over time by economists and the Bale III committee too raises the problem of banking development. If money is separated from the financial credit, as in the example of Fisher (1935) and his followers monetary reforms shows, we run into the problem of the credit multiplier while the systemic risk is weak and the necessity of the lender of last resort in this system is questioned. Whereas, if money is not separated from the financial credit, as in the case of monetary reforms proposed by instruments of management such as those suggested by Minsky (1982), Kindleberger, Aglietta and Moutot (1993), Aglietta (2011) and Bale III, the systemic risk persists and this is, after all, the lender in the last resort who may assume the objective of the financial system’s stability in general by uttering of the ultimate liquidity. The development study of the two cases of Islamic banks, those in Saudi Arabia and those in Pakistan, showed the confrontation of these banks of the same problems noticed in the western finance. In fact, if money is separated from the financial credit, which is the case in Pakistan, Islamic banks are less vulnerable to systemic risk and are less efficient. While if money is not separated from the financial credit, as in Saudi Arabia, Islamic banks are more vulnerable to systemic risk and more efficient. However, even if the Islamic bank does not respond to the systemic risk of the Hypothesis of the Credit Economy’s instability, it answers as even to the systemic crises of this hypothesis. Hence, in all cases, it cannot lead to a systemic crisis similar to the subprime one. This is due to the fact that specification of the Islamic financial system instrument, in contrast to the instrument of the conventional financial system, is less vulnerable to the systemic crisis.

Thesis (MA (Geography and Environmental Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / The problem addressed in this research is that large-scale estate developments in the Western Cape generally have, up to now, apparently not fulfilled their potential as primary economic drivers, thus, failing to contribute in a significant manner to addressing the primary challenges facing the present-day South Africa, namely poverty, inequality, and environmental degradation. This research focused on the recently-formulated project-based Sustainable Development Initiative (SDI) approach as a strategy to optimally unlock the potential benefits of largescale development as a primary economic driver. In the research, the potential of the SDI approach in this regard was tested by comparing the envisaged performance of an SDI to be implemented in the Hoogekraal area near George in the South Cape with the performance of five selected large-scale estate developments that have been planned and developed in terms of the ‘conventional’ approach as it was defined for this research. The over-arching purpose of the research was to determine whether the project-based SDI approach, as demonstrated by the pre-development condition of the proposed Hoogekraal SDI, could make a meaningful contribution to the alleviation of poverty, inequality and environmental degradation and whether it presents an improvement in this regard on the ‘conventional’ planning, implementation and management approach for large-scale estate developments. The SDI approach, in its current, conceptual format, does not profess to be flawless. The research has left a number of questions unanswered pertaining to, in particular, the mobilisation, involvement, and required participation capacity of the communities that would be affected by an SDI. The research has indicated that the proponents of the SDI approach still have a long way to go to bridge the divergent views and evident opposition against large-scale estate development of conservation-orientated NGOs and community groups, and factions within government departments. However, the research has indicated that the SDI approach holds the promise to be an innovative strategy through which the benefits of large-scale development could be optimised for both people and the environment. The SDI approach, at least, represents an honest response to the national goals for sustainable development put forward in, amongst others, the South African Constitution. It is therefore concluded that there is merit in the claim of the SDI proponents that the SDI approach to large-scale development presents, to a larger extent than the ‘conventional’ approach, a mechanism through which this development typology can contribute to the eradication of poverty, inequality and environmental rehabilitation in partnership with local communities and other stakeholders. It is believed that this research can contribute as: a) an input in the drafting of regional and municipal development policy aimed at promoting sustainable development, for example, the spatial development frameworks prepared by municipalities in terms of the Local Government Municipal Systems Act 32 of 2000 (South Africa 2000); b) a basis for the planning and implementation of large-scale estate developments in a manner that would, on balance, improve the state of any given condition in a sustainable, integrated, holistic and practical manner and in partnership with those who would be affected by the developments and those who support the ethos of sustainable development; and c) a basis for further research pertaining to the implementation and long-term management of the SDI approach at the project level, the objective being to promote the continual improvement of the approach.

D’une manière générale, la fonction administrative contentieuse peut être appréhendée comme l’ensemble des juridictions chargées de connaître des litiges résultant de l’activité des autorités administratives. Elle represente l’activité juridictionnelle en matière administrative. Par conséquent, la fonction administrative contentieuse doit s’appréhender tant sous l’angle d’une juridiction, que sous celle de son juge. L’institution d’une fonction administrative contentieuse en Côte d’Ivoire remonte à l’époque coloniale. Cependant, à l’instar de la plupart des ex-colonies françaises, ce n’est qu’au lendemain de l’indépendance en 1960, que la fonction administrative contentieuse ivoirienne s’est affirmée en tant que fonction juridictionnelle autonome à l’égard du système français. La procédure administrative non contentieuse, comme la procédure administrative contentieuse dont il est question dans l’étude ont connu de grands progrès tant en France que dans les pays francophones d’Afrique pour lesquels le système de juridiction administrative comme le droit qu’il vise à contrôler ont longtemps constitué, selon la belle formule de Jean RIVERO, un bon « produit d’exportation » français. La Côte d’ivoire n’échappe pas à ce constat. Aussi l’étude de la fonction administrative contentieuse en Côte d’Ivoire a pour objet de dessiner la physionomie générale de la justice administrative ivoirienne un demi siècle après son institution afin d’en souligner les éléments de permanence ou de changement. / Generally speaking, the contentious administrative function can be arrested as all the jurisdictions asked to know disputes resulting from the activity of the authorities. She represente the jurisdictional activity in administrative subject. Consequently, the contentious administrative functio has to dread as long under the angle of a jurisdiction, that under that of his judge. The institution of a contentious administrative function (office) in Ivory Coast goes back up to the colonial time. However, following the example of most of the French ex-colonies, it is that after the independence in 1960, that the Ivory Coast contentious administrative function asserted itself as autonomous jurisdictional office towards the French system. The not contentious administrative procedure, as the contentious administrative procedure question of which it is in the study knew big progress both in France and in the French-speaking countries of Africa for which the system of jurisdiction administrative as the right at which it aims at checking constituted for a long time, according to the Jean RIVERO's beautiful formula, a voucher " produced by export " French. Ivory Coast does not escape this report. So, the study of the contentious administrative office in Ivory Coast has for object to draw the general face of the Ivory Coast administrative justice half a century after her institution to underline the elements of durability or change.

<p>  </p> <p>Many viewers—especially those from the continental United States—have praised Disney for such recent actions as casting Pacific Islanders in the animated feature film <em>Moana</em> (2016) and assembling a group of cultural advisors (named the Oceanic Story Trust) to guide the filmmakers’ creative decisions. However, my project contends that Disney continues to play a significant role in the maintenance of settler colonialism in Hawai‘i, despite these seemingly progressive attempts at challenging Hollywood’s whitewashing. In this project, I argue that Disney creates and replicates the structures of settler colonialism in Hawai‘i through a mechanism that I term <em>imagineered imperial tourism</em>. In my formulation, imagineered imperial tourism involves commodifying historical narratives of colonization to serve the Disney brand by “innocently” repackaging them for the purpose of settler tourist consumption. To signal a Disney-specific branding and reproduction of settler colonial tropes and ideologies, I use the term “imagineered”—a play on Disney’s trademarked term <em>Imagineering</em>, which names the work of the creative team tasked with engineering the company’s most innovative devices, built environments, and technologies.</p> <p>Through a sustained study of Disney’s relevant productions—from the feature films <em>Lilo & Stitch</em> (2002) and <em>Moana</em> to its built environments at the Walt Disney World Resort in Orlando, FL, and Aulani, A Disney Resort & Spa in Ko Olina, Hawai‘i—I suggest that over time, Disney has normalized a version of Native Hawaiian people and history in US popular culture that reproduces common settler colonial discourses which have structured popular perceptions of Hawai‘i. The company’s almost century-long history of media production has cemented these discourses into a set of public pedagogies that have been reproduced across generations. Disney’s Pacific Island-themed productions and attractions are rife with tropes of native primitivism and imperialist nostalgia. They also reveal the primacy of the discursive framework of hegemonic multiculturalism vis-à-vis the commodified “spirit of aloha,” a sentiment which is superficially rooted in Native Hawaiian epistemologies and branded as a key selling point by the tourism industry. Furthermore, Disney has actively colonized Hawaiian lands since 2007, capitalizing on the Islands’ exploitative tourist industry while also obscuring longstanding battles over land ownership and denying Native Hawaiians sovereignty over their stolen lands. Ultimately, I suggest that Disney’s ostensibly “innocent” repackaging contributes to the violent erasure of Native Hawaiian history in popular culture. </p>

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