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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 11 to 15 of 15 (0.085 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"d'evolution /1848"" "subject:"anevolution /1848""
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"Na vlastním se lépe hospodaří": Názory na reluici roboty v Čechách na konci doby předbřeznové / "It manages better on its own": The opinions on the abolition of the peasant robot in Bohemia at the end of Vormärz periodVašík, Miroslav January 2021 (has links)
(in English): The diploma thesis "It manages better on its own": Opinions on the reliance of robots in Bohemia at the end of the pre-March period is devoted to serf duties from the Enlightenment to 1848. Legal grounding in view of several important directions of political and economic development at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century. This work analyzes biopolitical, populationist, traditionally conservative and especially liberal attitudes of politicians. And he explains why discussions on other political directions probably could not take place in Austria. It also tries to show the degree of labor duties, which was different in different states of the Austrian monarchy. Most of the work deals with the years 1840-1846. I describe the uprising in Galicia, where serf and ethnic problems were mixed. The sources were mainly the works of Jiří Štaif, Miroslav Hroch, Václav Černý and Dieter Langewiesche, but I also mention a larger number of original sources, period petitions, legal analyzes and newspaper articles. In the end, on the character of František Brauner, I show what development of thought a lawyer with knowledge of documents, social and cultural conditions could have undergone.
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Vernetzt! / Kontaktnetze von Frauen um 1848 in den deutschen und italienischen Staaten / Interconnected!Frontoni, Giulia 09 April 2014 (has links)
No description available.
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„Wir armen, armen Mädchen sind gar so übel dran ...“: Gedanken zum 8. März – oder „Weiber gehören auch zu den Menschen?“Schönfuß-Krause, Renate 01 July 2021 (has links)
Dieser Beitrag spannt einen Bogen von der totalen Entmündigung und Entwürdigung der Frauen im 17./18.Jahrhundert, dargelegt u.a. an Auszügen der Chronik Knobloch Radeberg, bis hin zu ihren Emanzipationsbestrebungen in die Neuzeit. Es ist die Geschichte der Frauenbewegung, Kampf um Gleichberechtigung, denn die Welt, so wie sie eingerichtet war, konnte den Frauen wirklich nicht gefallen, eine Welt der Angst und totalen Unmündigkeit. Angst vor den Strafen Gottes, von den Kanzeln der Kirchen verkündet, Angst vor der Apokalypse und dem Jüngsten Gericht, Angst vor der Obrigkeit und ihren Gerichten. Mit Angst und Verdummung des Volkes ließ es sich schon immer wunderbar regieren.
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Too foul and dishonoring to be overlooked : newspaper responses to controversial English stars in the Northeastern United States, 1820-1870Smith, Tamara Leanne 30 September 2010 (has links)
In the nineteenth century, theatre and newspapers were the dominant expressions of popular culture in the northeastern United States, and together formed a crucial discursive node in the ongoing negotiation of American national identity. Focusing on the five decades between 1820 and 1870, during which touring stars from Great Britain enjoyed their most lucrative years of popularity on United States stages, this dissertation examines three instances in which English performers entered into this nationalizing forum and became flashpoints for journalists seeking to define the nature and bounds of American citizenship and culture. In 1821, Edmund Kean’s refusal to perform in Boston caused a scandal that revealed a widespread fixation among social elites with delineating the ethnic and economic limits of citizenship in a republican nation. In 1849, an ongoing rivalry between the English tragedian William Charles Macready and his American competitor Edwin Forrest culminated in the deadly Astor Place riot. By configuring the actors as champions in a struggle between bourgeois authority and working-class populism, the New York press inserted these local events into international patterns of economic conflict and revolutionary violence. Nearly twenty years later, the arrival of the Lydia Thompson Burlesque Troupe in 1868 drew rhetoric that reflected the popular press’ growing preoccupation with gender, particularly the question of woman suffrage and the preservation of the United States’ international reputation as a powerfully masculine nation in the wake of the Civil War.
Three distinct cultural currents pervade each of these case studies: the new nation’s anxieties about its former colonizer’s cultural influence, competing political and cultural ideologies within the United States, and the changing perspectives and agendas of the ascendant popular press. Exploring the points where these forces intersect, this dissertation aims to contribute to an understanding of how popular culture helped shape an emerging sense of American national identity. Ultimately, this dissertation argues that in the mid-nineteenth century northeastern United States, popular theatre, newspapers, and audiences all contributed to a single media formation in which controversial English performers became a rhetorical antipode against which “American” identity could be defined. / text
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Der Mythos der Revolution nach dem Sieg des nationalen MythosBussenius, Daniel 03 January 2013 (has links)
Am Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs lebte in Deutschösterreich und im Deutschen Reich mit dem Zerfall der Habsburgermonarchie und den Revolutionen im November 1918 die Erinnerung an die 48er-Revolution wieder auf. Die Revolutionserinnerung wurde insbesondere von den deutsch-österreichischen Sozialdemokraten zur Legitimierung der Forderung nach dem Anschluss an das Deutsche Reich herangezogen. Da die Vollziehung des Anschlusses jedoch am Einspruch der westlichen Siegermächte scheiterte, konnte im Deutschen Reich eine mit der Anschlussforderung eng verknüpfte Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution von Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten wenig zur Legitimierung der Weimarer Republik beitragen (während die Anschlussforderung in Deutschösterreich gerade darauf zielte, die Eigenstaatlichkeit aufzuheben). Vielmehr wurde die Kritik am reichsdeutschen Rat der Volksbeauftragten, in Reaktion auf die deutschösterreichische Anschlusserklärung vom 12. November 1918 den Anschluss nicht vollzogen zu haben, zu einem politischen Allgemeinplatz. Träger der Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution blieben in beiden Republiken ganz überwiegend die Arbeiterparteien, wobei im Reich Sozialdemokraten und Kommunisten dabei völlig entgegengesetzte Ziele verfolgten. Auch einen geschichtspolitischen Konsens zwischen reichsdeutschen Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten gab es nicht, wie sich schon in der Abstimmung über die Flaggenfrage am 3. Juli 1919 zeigte. / At the end of World War I, as the Habsburg Monarchy fell apart, the memory of the revolution of 1848 was revived in German-Austria and the German Empire by the new revolutions of November 1918. The revolution of 1848 was drawn on particularly by the German-Austrian social democrats to legitimize their demand to unite German-Austria with the German Empire (the so-called “Anschluss”). When the victorious Western powers prevented the realization of the Anschluss, the attempts by social democrats and democrats in the German Empire to use the memory of the revolution of 1848 to legitimize the new Weimar Republic had only little success because they were closely related to the demand for the Anschluss of Austria (whereas in Austria of course the demand for the “Anschluss” aimed at ending the existence of German-Austria as an independent state). Rather, it became common place in the Weimar Republic to criticize the “Rat der Volksbeauftragten” (the revolutionary government of 1918-1919) for not having realized the Anschluss in response to its declaration by the German-Austrian provisional national assembly on November 12, 1918. The workers’ parties were first and foremost those who continued to keep the memory of the revolution of 1848 in both republics alive. However, in doing so, social democrats and communists in the German Empire persued opposing political objectives. Moreover, there was neither a consensus between social democrats and democrats in the Weimar Republic in regards to the memory of the revolution of 1848. This lack of agreement was already apparent in the decision of the national assembly concerning the flag of the new republic on July 3, 1919.
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