Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T15:09:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 4284401 bytes, checksum: de65d8af975b9ad67939beb0cc746d68 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The state of the Brazilian Black People proves racism s aftereffect in our society, both in private scopem pronounced by prejudgment and discrimination, both on public, especially regarding public policies and the law in general. With advent of measures for inclusion in higher education favoring the black membership, mainly with Law 12.711/12, argument about rights becomes fierce for sidelines in its full citizenship and unfold races society alive in Brazil. It analyzes the implementation of affirmative action in Paraiba s public universities- Universidade Estadual da Paraíba and Universidade Federal da Paraíba- in law school, considering them as measures to promote empowerment and overcoming racism from the construction of positive black identities, as establishing new ruling relations, initially on academical environment, and reflects in all social body. From analytical Foucault, that highlights micropowers, the bloke and ruling relations, argued that shape identities of young blacks and browns are being built in law school, against of intersubjective exchanges of power between students and professors, in the assertion of their identity, and effective participation in academic life. The qualitative research involved the analysis of interviews of students and teachers of the law courses of the aforementioned universities and found, through his discourses, which are still striking the association between race and poverty, the idea of "racial democracy , formal equality and stigmatizing relationship between students / students and teachers belonging to different social classes; a significant percentage of students and teachers denies the practice of racial prejudice, although ponder their existence. It was found that the implementation of measures for inclusion in public universities of Paraíba, especially those with racial group enables the fight against racism, since it promotes diversity, and contributes, even in embryo, to form positive identities beyond of academic life. / A situação da população negra no Brasil reflete as consequências do racismo presente em nossa sociedade, tanto no âmbito privado, marcado pela discriminação e preconceito, quanto no público, especialmente no que tange às políticas públicas e a legislação de um modo geral. Com o advento das medidas de inclusão no ensino superior em favor da pertença negra, sobretudo com a Lei 12.711/12, a discussão acerca dos direitos torna-se acirrada vez que as ações afirmativas voltam-se para grupos alijados em sua cidadania plena e desvelam a sociedade de raças existente no Brasil. Analisa-se, então, a implementação das ações Afirmativas em universidades públicas paraibanas- Universidade Estadual da Paraíba e Universidade Federal da Paraíba- nos cursos de direito, considerando-as como medidas capazes de impulsionar empoderamento e superação do racismo a partir da construção de identidades negras positivas, à medida que instauram novas relações de poder, inicialmente no ambiente universitário, e que se desdobram por todo o corpo social. A partir da Analítica Foucaultiana, que destaca os micropoderes, o sujeito e as relações de poder, discutiu-se de que forma as identidades de jovens pardos e pretos estão sendo construídas no curso de direito, diante das trocas intersubjetivas de poder entre alunos e professores, na afirmação de sua identidade e na participação efetiva na vida acadêmica. A pesquisa qualitativa contou com a análise de entrevistas semiestruturadas de alunos e de professores dos cursos de direito das já referidas universidades e constatou, através de seus discursos, que ainda são marcantes a associação entre raça e pobreza, a ideia de democracia racial , isonomia formal e a relação estigmatizante entre alunos/alunos e professores de pertenças e classes sociais diferentes; que parte significativa dos alunos e professores nega a prática de preconceito racial, embora pondere sua existência. Verificou-se que a implementação de ações afirmativas em universidades públicas da Paraíba, sobretudo as que possuem recorte racial, viabiliza a luta contra o racismo, posto que promove a diversidade, e contribui, mesmo que embrionariamente, para a constituição de identidades positivas para além da vida acadêmica.

Since 2002, the Canadian state has mandatorily tested applicants for permanent residence for HIV (Human immune deficiency virus). The policy and practices associated with this screening have never been critically scrutinized. Authoritative claims about what happens in the conduct of the immigration medical examination are at odds with the experience of immigrant applicants living with HIV. This is the analytic entry point into this inquiry that is organized within the theoretical and methodological frame offered by institutional ethnography and political activist ethnography. Analysis is connected to broader research literatures and the historical record. The goal of this study is to produce detailed, contextualized understandings of the social and ruling relations that organize the lives of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. These are generated from the material conditions of their lives. An assumption about how organization happens is the social and reflexive production of knowledge in people’s day-to-day lives through which connections between local and extra-local settings are empirically investigable. I investigate the organization of the Canadian immigration process. How is this institutional complex ordered and governed? How is immigration mandatory HIV testing organized, and with what consequences to HIV-positive applicants to Canada? This is a text-mediated organization where all the sites are connected by people’s work and the texts they circulate. The positive result of an immigration HIV test catalyzes the state’s collection of medical data about an applicant. These are entered into state decision-making about the person’s in/admissibility to Canada. I focus on a key component of the immigration process, which is medical examination and HIV testing with this, along with the HIV test counselling practices that happen (or not) there. The reported absence of the latter form of care causes problems and contradictions for people. This investigation adopts the standpoint of these persons to investigate their problems associated with HIV testing. The main empirically supported argument I make is that the Canadian state’s ideological work related to the HIV policy and mandatory screening ushers in a set of institutional practices that are highly problematic for immigrants with HIV. This argument relies on data collected in interviews, focus groups, observations, and analysis of texts organized under Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (S.C., 2001, c. 27) and textually mediated, discursively organized concepts that shape people’s practice. Canadian immigration medical policy makers should make use of these findings, as should civil society activists acting on behalf of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. I make nine specific recommendations for future action on HIV and immigration in Canada.

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This study examines intricately related questions of consciousness and learning, textually-mediated social coordination, and human relationships within nature, anchored in the everyday life practices and concerns of a remote First Nation community in the Treaty 9 region. Through the use of Institutional Ethnography, community-based research and narrative methods, the research traces how the ruling relations of land use planning unfold within the contemporary period of neoliberal development in Northern Ontario. People’s everyday experiences and access to land in the Mushkego Inninowuk (Swampy Cree) community of Fort Albany for example, are shaped in ways that become oriented to provincial ruling relations, while people also reorient these relations on their own terms through the activities of a community research project and through historically advanced Indigenous ways of being. The study examines the coordinating effects of provincially-driven land use planning on communities and territories in Treaty 9, as people in local sites are coordinated to others elsewhere in a complex process that serves to produce the legislative process called Bill 191 or the Far North Act. Examining texts, ideology and dialectical historical materialist relations, the study is an involved inquiry into the text process itself and how it comes to be put together. The textually mediated and institutional forms of organizing social relations—effectively land relations—unfold with the involvement of people from specific sites and social locations whose work is coordinated, as it centres on environmental protection and development in the region north of the 51st parallel. A critique of the textually mediated institutional process provides a rich site for exploring learning within the context of neoliberal capitalist relations and serves to illuminate ways in which people can better act to change the problematic relations that haunt settler-Indigenous history in the contemporary period. The work asks all people involved in the North how we can work to address historic injustices rooted in the relations and practices of accumulation and dispossession. The voices and modes of governance of Aboriginal people, obfuscated within the processes and relations of provincial planning, must be afforded the space and recognition to flourish on their own terms.

This study examines intricately related questions of consciousness and learning, textually-mediated social coordination, and human relationships within nature, anchored in the everyday life practices and concerns of a remote First Nation community in the Treaty 9 region. Through the use of Institutional Ethnography, community-based research and narrative methods, the research traces how the ruling relations of land use planning unfold within the contemporary period of neoliberal development in Northern Ontario. People’s everyday experiences and access to land in the Mushkego Inninowuk (Swampy Cree) community of Fort Albany for example, are shaped in ways that become oriented to provincial ruling relations, while people also reorient these relations on their own terms through the activities of a community research project and through historically advanced Indigenous ways of being. The study examines the coordinating effects of provincially-driven land use planning on communities and territories in Treaty 9, as people in local sites are coordinated to others elsewhere in a complex process that serves to produce the legislative process called Bill 191 or the Far North Act. Examining texts, ideology and dialectical historical materialist relations, the study is an involved inquiry into the text process itself and how it comes to be put together. The textually mediated and institutional forms of organizing social relations—effectively land relations—unfold with the involvement of people from specific sites and social locations whose work is coordinated, as it centres on environmental protection and development in the region north of the 51st parallel. A critique of the textually mediated institutional process provides a rich site for exploring learning within the context of neoliberal capitalist relations and serves to illuminate ways in which people can better act to change the problematic relations that haunt settler-Indigenous history in the contemporary period. The work asks all people involved in the North how we can work to address historic injustices rooted in the relations and practices of accumulation and dispossession. The voices and modes of governance of Aboriginal people, obfuscated within the processes and relations of provincial planning, must be afforded the space and recognition to flourish on their own terms.

In this thesis the overall aim is to analyse conceptions of change with the point of departure being texts developed within the framework of three development partnerships financed by the European Social Fund's Equal Programme 2001-2007. The development partnerships, consisting of collaborating parties from both the public and private sector, aimed at developing new methods and ideas in order to counteract discrimination and all kinds of inequality in working life. The thesis poses the following research questions: How are the problems that the development partnerships intended to counteract described? What appears as important to change in order for discrimination in working life to decrease? In what ways are changes aimed at combating discrimination and contributing to increased gender equality and diversity in working life deemed possible? What motives emerge behind the visions of creating a working life without discrimination? How are gender and other social categories constructed and how do these constructions impact on the conceptions of change that emerge? The ideas, perspectives and interests that characterise the understanding of changes in working life in the studied texts, are illustrated with the aid of theories on how society's forms of rule have changed from government to governance and theories on how gender is done. Furthermore, why certain perspectives and ideas emerge and the consequences of them is analysed based on institutional ethnography and concepts such as social relations and ruling relations. The thesis' analysis points to how the consensus-based organisational form of partnership and the politics and principles that are reflected in the Equal Programme together with notions on growth, leadership and gender create limits for the conceptions of change. Limits that in certain respects entail that society's relations of power and inequality, instead of being challenged, are reproduced. Based on the results of the study, the importance is emphasised of continuously taking one's point of departure in identifying and challenging the limits to how one can speak of change, since the dominant conceptions of change may be an expression of the ruling relations. / I den här avhandlingen är det övergripande syftet att analysera föreställningar om förändring med utgångspunkt i texter som tagits fram inom ramen för tre utvecklingspartnerskap som finansierades av den Europeiska socialfondens Equal-program 2001-2007. Utvecklingspartnerskapen, som bestod av flera samverkansparter från privat och offentlig sektor, syftade till att utveckla nya metoder och idéer för att motverka diskriminering och all slags ojämlikhet i arbetslivet. Avhandlingen utgår från frågeställningarna: Hur beskrivs de problem som utvecklingspartnerskapen avsåg att motverka? Vad framstår som viktigt att förändra för att diskrimineringen i arbetslivet ska minska? På vilka sätt antas förändringar, som anses leda till minskad diskriminering och ökad jämställdhet och mångfald i arbetslivet, vara möjliga? Vilka motiv framträder bakom visionerna om att skapa ett arbetsliv utan diskriminering? Hur konstrueras kön och andra sociala kategorier och hur inverkar dessa konstruktioner på de föreställningar om förändring som framträder? Med hjälp av teorier om hur samhällets styrformer förändrats ”från government till governance” och teorier om hur kön görs åskådliggörs vad det är för idéer, perspektiv och intressen som karakteriserar förståelsen av förändringar i arbetslivet i de rapporter, filmer, utbildningar och metodböcker med mera som studerats. Utifrån den institutionella etnografin och begrepp som sociala relationer och styrningsrelationer analyseras vidare varför vissa perspektiv och idéer framträder och konsekvenserna av dem. Avhandlingens analys pekar på hur den konsensusbaserade organiseringsformen partnerskap och den politik och de principer som reflekteras i Equal-programmet tillsammans med föreställningar om tillväxt, ledarskap och kön skapar gränser i föreställningarna om förändring. Gränser som i vissa avseenden innebär att samhällets relationer av makt och ojämlikhet – istället för att utmanas – reproduceras. Utifrån studiens resultat poängteras vikten av att ständigt ta utgångspunkt i att identifiera och utmana gränserna för hur det går att tala om förändring eftersom dominerande föreställningar om förändring kan vara ett uttryck för samhällets styrningsrelationer.