The diploma thesis captures the contemporary security situation of Slovakia, identifies security problems by which it feels threatened, then goes on to point out whom and what Slovakia wants to protect and which strategy it plans to use in order to do that. At the same time it identifies the main insecurities of EU as a whole and those of Russia. These two powers are seen to play a major role in formation of relationships of amity and enmity, of cooperation and hostility in European regional security supercomplex of which, Slovakia is inseparable part. To describe and conduct analysis, author applies theories and analytical tools formulated by Copenhagen School. Most used were analytical frameworks and concepts of securitization, regional security complexes and sectoral approach to security.

The aim of this diploma thesis is an analysis of the contemporary mortgage crisis in the USA. The thesis consists of four sections. The first part describes historical developments of the American mortgage market with the emphasis on securitization. The second chapter deals with the market failures occurring within the securitization process. The third chapter is dedicated to the primary mortgage market, in particular to the causes of the previous credit boom, "running" house prices. Moreover, this chapter analyzes the "subprime" and "Alt-A" mortgage market, their products and practices prevailing on these markets. The last chapter is devoted to the secondary mortgage markets. The aim of this chapter is to describe how "subprime" and "Alt-A" mortgage deals were structured. The case study offers an example and its results are presented.

This master thesis deals with the current issue of immigration within the EU while applying the social constructivist theory. It seems that the humanitarian, human rights and economic dimension of the European immigration policy is disappearing and immigration is increasingly viewed through the lens of security. The aim of this thesis is to apply the constructivist concept of securitization (constructing an object as a threat) to the current phenomenon of immigration to the EU in order to see the ways of securitization of immigration at the European level and identify its impact and related problems. The first theoretical part of the thesis introduces the links between immigration and security and also thoroughly explains the theoretical and methodological concept of securitization which is then used in the context of the current EU migration policy. The final chapter is devoted to the negative impacts of successfully securitized immigration and it suggests some alternative ways for the EU migration policy which should be seen through other (not only security) dimensions.

This diploma thesis is focused on shadow banking and its impact on the financial markets. The first section defines shadow banking and offers an overview of its instruments and activities with focus on the advantages and risks related to securitization, repurchase agreements and money market funds. The second section begins with an overview of systemic risk emerging from shadow banking activities. Substantial part of the thesis is dedicated to measurement of the shadow banking sector size based on methods of Financial Stability Board. The thesis concludes with an overview of current regulatory progress in transforming shadow banking into resilient market-based finance.

The topic of this master thesis are the EU FDI policies and their development specifically in the period 1999 - 2019. The aim of this master thesis is to answer the research question: "Why the European FDI policies have changed during 1999-2019?" In April 2019, a new regulation regarding a framework for screening of foreign direct investment in the European Union has passed. The process of screening should be applied in case a foreign direct investment would pose a threat to security or public order. The EU has been traditionally a promoter of the liberal trade and free movement of capital. Yet, the proposal presents a new tool in the FDI policy that can be seen as restrictive. In this thesis author analyzes what processes led to the introduction of this new framework. Following the theoretical framework regarding security concepts and evolution of new threats, the author elaborates on the first hypothesis that "It is possible to identify strengthening of the concept of security and more restrictive approach in the FDI policies of EU member states during 1999-2019" by analyzing the evolution of EU FDI policy and policies of Germany and France as ones of the biggest recipients of FDI in the EU. Furthermore, the author uses the theoretical framework of realism and international political economy to...

The purpose of this thesis is to perform a critical discourse analysis on the upper secondary school act aiming to map which discourses that are being reproduced concerning unaccompanied youths, as well as the motivation behind the creation of the law. Furthermore, the purpose is to investigate the consequences of the discourses produced for unaccompanied youths’ rights claims. Faircloughs discursive model of three levels was used to review the proposition. This was complemented by an analysis of the result in relation to the Copenhagen school of securitization as well as Elena Namlis perspective on human rights. The review revealed that the dominating discourse in the upper secondary school act depicts the unaccompanied youths as foreign and potential threats. The law is motivated by the need to compensate for the Migration boards’ long processing time for their application of asylum upon arrival. It is said that this specific group ended up in an misfortuned situation. It is also explained that the law will trigger the youths to integrate through the demand of them needing to finish high school and find a job within 6 months in order to get asylum. However, this thesis also shows that the government is not fully ready to compensate for this misfortune as the demands, qualification to be available for this law, and security control of youths are implemented. Those obsticles are motivated by the view of the youths as existential threats and could be viewed as a sign of securitization of unaccompanied youths. What follows is them having a more difficult path of reaching their rights of asylum.

[pt] Este trabalho procura entender o que levou o Irã a passar de um papel de aliado ao de um inimigo dos Estados Unidos. Busca compreender como as hostilidades que passaram a existir somente entre Irã e Estados Unidos foram produzidas como uma ameaça para toda comunidade internacional. Na medida em que os Estados Unidos desempenham um papel de liderança nesta, um país que representa uma ameaça para os Estados Unidos passa a representar uma ameaça pública. O nacionalismo político Islâmico será apresentado como uma forma de resistência à lógica da modernidade. O ponto de ruptura entre estas nações ocorreu, segundo a visão norte-americana, no ano de 1979 com a chamada Revolução Iraniana – e, por conseguinte, com o sequestro da embaixada americana no Irã-, em contrapartida o momento de ruptura desta relação na visão iraniana se deu em 1953 com o Golpe de Estado que depôs o Primeiro-Ministro Muhammad Mossadeq. Também deve se levar em consideração que essa caracterização de um país como um todo, ou seja, sua política, religião, seus programas de desenvolvimento, etc como ameaçadores são um processo construtivo de valores. Este trabalho tenta desnaturalizar essa imagem ameaçadora que o Irã tem na comunidade internacional, que, cria as condições de possibilidade para práticas violentas dirigidas a esse Estado. Para isso, será utilizada a teoria pós-colonial, uma vez que os autores pós-coloniais acreditam que a dominação econômica do Ocidente sobre o Oriente, viabilizada principalmente pelo colonialismo, foi capaz de abarcar também a dominação cultural destes povos. / [en] This work seeks to understand what led Iran to move from a role of an ally to an enemy of the United States. Seeks to understand how the hostilities which now exist only between Iran and the United States were produced as a threat to all international community. To the extent that the United States play a leading role in this, a country that is a threat to the United States happens to represent a public menace. The Islamic political nationalism will be presented as a form of resistance to the logic of modernity. The breaking point occurred between these nations, according to the American view, in 1979 with the so-called Iranian Revolution - and therefore with the kidnapping of the American embassy in Iran , in return the time to break this relationship in Iranian view was in 1953 with the coup d état that deposed Prime Minister Muhammad Mossadeq. Should also take into consideration that this characterization of a country as a whole, their politics, religion, development programs, etc as threatening is a process of constructive values. This paper attempts to denaturalize this image "threatening" Iran has in the international community, which creates the conditions of possibility for violent actions directed to that State. This will be used to post-colonial theory, since postcolonial authors believe that the economic dominance of the West over the East, made possible mainly by colonialism, was able to encompass also the cultural domination of these peoples.

This thesis presents a discourse analysis of American perceptions of Russia in their historical and contemporary context. Through the linguistic construction of security offered by the Copenhagen School of Securitization, we can trace the socio-political development of Russia as the threatening other in the American discourse. This thesis has demonstrated the consistency of linguistic devices in the American Russia discourse from the 18th century to the Crimean Crisis, and has identified specific linguistic packages which securitizing actors unpack according to their preferences and goals in a given situation. This thesis also demonstrates that the resecuritization of a previously desecuritized object may occur through the use of preexisting discursive devices that play on existing elements of the national consciousness. Keywords Resecuritization, Securitization, United States, Russia, Socio-Political Discourse, Crimean Crisis, Copenhagen School, Obama Administration, Vladimir Putin Range of thesis: 121 pages, 34,048 words, 240,229 keystrokes.

The thesis is focused on currently widely discussed topic of the Russian hybrid warfare. It examines how the discourse surrounding this topic in the Czech Republic unfolded and how certain actors, primarily the think-tank European Values, have securitized the issue of the Russian hybrid warfare. The thesis is grounded in the securitization theory developed by the Copenhagen School. The international context is also discussed, since the discourses about the Russian hybrid warfare against the West are interconnected and the interest in this subject have risen after the annexation of Crimea and especially after the Russian interference into the U.S. presidential election in 2016. The case study of the documents related to the Russian hybrid warfare published by the think-tank European Values is central to this project. Institutional mistrust is a crucial underlying cause driving the success of disinformation campaigns and creates an opportunity for the hybrid efforts. However, this thesis attempts to explain, how securitization of the Russian hybrid warfare can be unhelpful or even detrimental to the goal of facilitating a greater trust in institutions.

This thesis is a qualitative study focusing on the situation that has evolved in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) from the beginning of 2018, when migrants and refugees started entering the country in large numbers in the context of the so-called Balkan route. The approach adopted in the thesis is informed by critical studies emphasizing the asymmetries entailed in the emerging multilevel governance of migration. The European Union (EU), the BiH state, IOM, civil society, activists, and citizens, are inserted in a “situational map” presenting their inter-relations, and the potential of each to influence the situation of concern. This thesis analyses in details the role of the EU, which is implementing in BiH its security-informed approach to irregular migration through externalization and multilevelling strategies. Eight semi-structured interviews allow the investigation into the potential and challenges of a “governance from below”. The main argument of this thesis is that the EU, outsourcing its strategy to curb irregular migration to BiH, fails to address the humanitarian crisis that is developing there, besides mining the stability and democracy of the country.