The fact that interventions take place on dubious grounds is not a new phenomenon, but it isan area that is constantly interesting to study as the forms of foreign and security policy areconstantly changing. The Russian intervention in Georgia in 2008 is a formative crossroad forRussia's foreign and security policy. Since then, Russia motivates the Russian interventions,in other sovereign states, by referring to the protection of its own citizens. This studydemonstrates how Russia uses securitization theory as part of its foreign and security policy.By referring to the protection of its own citizens in the intervened state, Russia seekslegitimacy for the Russian interventions. Russia is constructing a threat to Russian citizens,which aims to legitimize Russian action to the international community. The study analyzesthe UN Security Council's meeting records from the Georgia War 2008 and the CrimeanCrisis 2014 based on the Copenhagen School's securitization theory. The analysis examineshow Russia argues that there is a threat to the Russian population in Georgia and Ukraine,during their statements in the Security Council. The study also examines how Russia justifiesits actions and how the other states in the Security Council perceive the stated threat and theRussian measures. The results of the analysis clearly sheds light on how Russia construct athreat, how Russia repeatedly justifies its actions and how the member states of the SecurityCouncil criticize the Russian actions. The Russian action is not perceived as legitimate by theSecurity Council, which is required for the securitization to be considered successful, butthere are clear signs that Russia has conducted a security attempt in both Georgia in 2008 andUkraine in 2014. Because of the many similarities between the cases, the study also shows atrend over time, which justifies the conclusion that Russia uses securitization as part of its foreign and security policy.

I den här uppsatsen görs en jämförelse mellan två aktörer på den klimatpolitiska arenan, den svenska staten och miljörörelsen. Syftet är att jämföra och analysera aktörernas syn på klimatfrågan med särskilt fokus på säkerhetisering och klimaträttvisa i ljuset av ekologisk modernisering som dominerande diskurs i det klimatpolitiska samtalet. Genom en diskursanalys av Sveriges första klimatpolitiska handlingsplan samt textmaterial från Svenska Naturskyddsföreningen och Extinction Rebellion visar denna studie på hur frågor om säkerhet och rättvisa nedprioriteras i statens sätt att prata om klimatfrågan. Detta förstås utifrån att ekologisk modernisering alltmer blivit den dominerande diskursen i svensk klimatpolitik. Det är i jämförelsen med miljörörelsens sätt att prata om klimatfrågan som detta blir som tydligast. / In this thesis, a comparison is made between two actors in the climate policy arena, the Swedish state and the environmental movement. The purpose is to compare and analyze the actors’ perspectives on the climate issue, with a particular focus on securitization and climate justice in the context of ecological modernization as the dominant discourse in the climate policy conversation. Through a discourse analysis of Sweden’s first climate policy action plan, as well as textual material from two different environmental groups in Sweden, Naturskyddsföreningen and Extinction Rebellion, this study demonstrates how issues of security and justice are deprioritized in the state’s discourse of climate issue. This finding is understood in the light of ecological modernization as the dominant discourse in Swedish climate policy. It is in the comparison with the environmental movement’s way of talking about the climate issue that this becomes most evident.

[pt] Esse artigo argumenta como a securitização do narcotráfico influenciou o chefe do poder executivo Wilson Witzel, como ator securitizador a construir uma política pública de segurança que não engloba todos os habitantes do estado do Rio de Janeiro e por meio dos seus atos de fala pode-se identificar quem está inserido e excluído do objeto referente a ser protegido. Os efeitos da linguagem nos discursos como uma prática social serão obtidos por meio do mapeamento de significados feitos através da análise de discurso. Portanto, ao securitizar o narcotráfico, o governador estimula a letalidade da polícia fluminense, trata seus resultados como sinônimo de eficiência para os seus apoiadores e alarga a barreira entre os cidadãos da cidade, ao excluir os moradores das favelas do objeto referente e da audiência por causa das suas características físicas e ocupação geográfica. / [en] This paper argues how the securitization of drug trafficking influenced the state governor, Wilson Witzel, as a securitizing actor to build a public security policy that does not include all inhabitants of the state of Rio de Janeiro. Through his act of speech it is possible to identify who is inserted and excluded from the referent object of protection. The effects of language in speech as a social practice will be obtained by mapping meanings made through discourse analysis. Therefore, by securitizing drug trafficking, the governor encourages the lethality of the Rio de Janeiro police, treats its results as a synonym of efficiency for its supporters and widens the barrier between the citizens of the city, by excluding the residents of the favelas from the referent object and the audience for because of their physical characteristics and geographical occupation.

This thesis addresses the ethical implications of NATO securitizing Russia without being in direct warfare,seeking to contribute to the debate of the integration of ethics into IR. This thesis contributes to that argument by integrating ethical dimensions of normative character through Floyd's Just Security Theory (JST) within the framework of social constructivism to develop new theoretical insights. The research is structured around theresearch question exploring how NATO's identity construction undergoes changes due to the tense relationship withRussia. The formation of identity plays a crucial role in threat construction. The findings from Rousseau andGarcia- Retamero's Threat Assessment, revealed through NATO Annual Reports, confirm the fluidity of NATO's identity construction and its designation of Russia as a threat. The second portion of the research question suggestthat attributing a threat status to another actor in the international system has significant ethical implications, necessitating ethical considerations in the securitization process and its influence on security discourse. The thesis findings support the need for ethical considerations, while acknowledging that these considerations aresubject to critique based on the chosen theoretical framework. It emphasizes the need for ethical considerations in the securitization process, and by extension in IR; and argues for the moral justifiability of NATO's securitization of Russia.

Considering the increased focus on law and order and crime in Sweden, the purpose of this thesis is to examine the political rhetoric on crime since 2002 on the Swedish parties the Moderate Party, the Social Democratic Party, and the Sweden Democrats. This is done through an analysis with the theory of securitization developed by Buzan, Wæver and de Wilde. Through analysis of election manifestos, motions, bills, and laws this study shows a shift towards a rhetoric that increasingly explains Sweden as a country “existentially” threatened by crime. At the same time, proposed action in the Swedish context becomes more far-reaching as emergency actions are legitimized by the presented threat of crime rates. The conclusion is that the Moderate Party and the Swedish Democrats today are making a securitization move, however that the question of law and order today is not securitized in Sweden. / Givet att lag och ordning är en av de viktigaste politiska frågorna i Sverige idag syftar studien till att undersöka Moderaternas, Socialdemokraternas och Sverigedemokraternas retorik i frågan sedan 2002. Analysen görs med hjälp av teorin om säkerhetisering av Buzan, Wæver och de Wilde (Köpenhamnsskolan). Genom en idéanalys med hjälp av en innehållsanalys av valmanifest, motioner, propositioner och lagar visar denna studie på ett skifte i partiernas retorik, som i ökad utsträckning målar upp ett säkerhetshot kring brottslighet, vilket alltmer kan liknas vid ett “existentiellt” hot. Samtidigt har föreslagna åtgärder blivit alltmer långtgående. Utifrån säkerhetiseringsteorin kan detta förklaras med att nödåtgärder legitimeras när ett säkerhetshot presenteras. Slutsatserna är att Moderaterna och Sverigedemokraterna gör ett så kallat säkerhetiseringsförsök, men att frågan om lag och ordning idag inte är säkerhetiserad i Sverige.

The refugeecrisis was a turning point in Swedish exceptionalism a discursive shift has somehowoccurred within the Swedish policy debate and mainstream media whereby the '(im)migrant' isconstructed as a potential security threat. To achieve the goal of the 'security' concerns of thisthesis, a theoretical framework of the social constructivist perspective is to assess howsecuritization is discursively constructed within discursive power relations among differentsocietal actors an d to understand identifying conditions that potentially have enabled this shift.Herein, this research synthesizes media content and political opinion to analyze the shaping andchang ing of the discourse on securitizing migration between 2014 and 2017 by blending qualitativecontent analysis with critical discourse analysis. One of the conclusions reached is the analysishighlights discourses once propagated and shifted gradually in the political sphere and in a sensea certain group of immigrants is constructed as an existential threat within it.

Since the 2019 territorial defeat of the Islamic State (IS) in northeastern Syria, thousands of foreign nationals affiliated with the Islamic militant group have been detained in refugee camps and prisons in the region - the humanitarian conditions of which have come under increased scrutiny. As a result, the repatriation of these individuals has become a contentious migration-related policy issue and has led to diverse state responses. In the North American context, there is a striking contrast between Canada’s ‘passive’ approach and the United States’ ‘active’ role in these repatriation efforts. Through a comparative critical discourse analysis (CDA) using Fairclough’s methodological three-step framework and Balzacq’s sociological securitization theory, the public rationale of Canadian-American policy diversion is explored. As a result, this study contributes new knowledge to the field, providing unique insights on how and why two closely-allied countries justify their engagement with IS- affiliated citizens in fundamentally different ways.

This thesis studies how securitization differs between the war in Ukraine and the war in Syria. It does so by comparing conclusions, statements and speeches published by the European Council in order to understand the perceived differences in crisis management according to their initial reactions. The aim is thus to compare the two crises to understand the European Union's different crisis management. Furthermore, this study uses a discursive analysis to investigate the European Council's reactions through securitization theory, which identifies how a political issue becomes a security threat. The findings suggest that the two crises illustrate different perceptions of the security threat and what to protect, highlighted in the diverse management. In turn, this means that the crises have been securitized differently, and the results have contributed to providing an explanation of the different management and understanding of the crises. Future research is encouraged regarding the effects of securitization and further exploring how the cases' differences affect the results to understand the two crises better.

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