L’histoire de la pensée des signes se caractérise par une oscillation entre définition large et étroite de son objet. Le XVIIe siècle constitue par rapport à cette histoire une période charnière, marquée par la tendance à une conception particularisante du signe, qui exclut en particulier que les idées puissent être considérées sous cette notion. Mais ce retour ne se fait pas de façon homogène. C’est en effet à cette époque qu’apparaît, au sein de la scolastique tardive, un débat majeur autour de la définition du signe, qui se formalise par l’introduction, au sein des traditionnelles taxinomies, de la division entre ‘signum formale’, qui fait écho à la tendance médiévale à inclure les concepts sous le terme de ‘signes’, et ‘signum instrumentale’, qui correspond à une définition qui remonte à Augustin, et selon laquelle le signe est exclusivement sensible, et strictement différent de la chose signifiée. Cette thèse retrace les termes de ce débat scolastique tardif à partir du commentaire au Peri Hermeneias de Sebastião do Couto, afin de montrer que le XVIIe siècle se caractérise globalement par un retour à une conception strictement instrumentale du signe, qui se libère toutefois de la référence augustinienne qui lui avait donné lieu. Se démarquant de la voie qui avait fait de la Logique de Port-Royal le texte paradigmatique de la pensée sémiotique de l’Age classique, on montrera ainsi que celle-ci se définit par une translatio, visible surtout chez Bayle, Gassendi, et Hobbes, d’un modèle linguistico-psychologique à une sémiotique régie par le paradigme du signe naturel, emblématique d’une mutation de la logique désormais ordonnée au modèle de la physique. / All along its history, semiotic has oscillated between a large and a narrow definition of its object. The 17th century is, in this regard, a pivotal period, with a trend towards a narrower construal of the term ‘sign’, which, for most authors of that time,does not apply anymore to concepts and ideas. This move however is not an homogeneous one. The first half of the century witnesses, among late scholasticism, to an important debate about the definition of ‘sign’, stirred by the introduction, among traditional taxonomies, of the division between ‘signum formale’ and ‘signum instrumentale’. The former echoed the medieval inclusion of concepts under the category of ‘signs’. The latter matches the definition of Augustine, according to which the sign is exclusively sensible and strictly different from the thing signified. The reconstruction of the terms of this late scholastic debate, which originates in Sebastião do Couto’s commentary on Peri Hermeneias, shows that the 17th century authors have tended to return to a strictly instrumental conception of signs, but one from which the traditionnal Augustinian reference is absent. In contrast with the rather common interpretation according to which the definition of signs to be found in the Port-Royal’s Logic offered the new paradigm for representation, this works argues that the semiotic thought of this period is better defined as a translatio, especially visible among Bayle, Gassendi and Hobbes, from a linguistico-pschychological model to a natural semiotics, emblematic of a new logic that has been submitted to physical science.

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Ce mémoire entend mettre en lumière la solution au problème du mal développée par Philippe le Chancelier dans la Summa de bono (1225-1228). À cet effet, notre analyse se polarise sur la notion du mal qui occupe à la fois le système des transcendantaux et la division du bien créé découlant du principe du souverain bien. La somme est bâtie d’après la primauté de la notion du bien transcendantal, et fut rédigée par opposition avec la doctrine manichéenne des Cathares, en vogue au XIIIe siècle, qui s’appuyait sur la prééminence de deux principes métaphysiques causant le bien et le mal, d’où devaient procéder toutes les choses de la Création. Ceci explique que nous ayons privilégié de seulement examiner les notions du bien et du mal en un sens général, car c’est au stade universel de l’ontologie du bien que l’auteur défait la possibilité du mal de nature, en amont des ramifications du bien créé, déployées, à l’envi, dans les questions de la somme où les réponses sont assignées à des problèmes spécifiques. Nous offrons ici, pour la première fois, une traduction en français d’une série de questions ayant permis de mener à bien ce projet. / This master’s thesis intends to clarify Philip the Chancellor’s answer to the problem of evil in the Summa de bono (1225-1228). To this end, we focus on the concept of evil as located within the transcendental system and the division of created good resulting from the supreme good. This sum, which is conceived from the primacy of the transcendental notion of good, was drafted in opposition to the Manichean doctrine of Cathars, a belief popular in the thirteenth century, which states that two metaphysical principles cause good and evil and it is from these principles that all things are created by nature. For this reason, we decided to study the concepts of good and evil only in a general sense, because the author dismantles the possibility of natural evil at the universal level of the ontology of the good and, prior to the deployment of the created good, it is through the sum’s questions that specific problems can be resolved. Here, we offer for the first time a French translation of several questions useful to this project.

Ce mémoire entend mettre en lumière la solution au problème du mal développée par Philippe le Chancelier dans la Summa de bono (1225-1228). À cet effet, notre analyse se polarise sur la notion du mal qui occupe à la fois le système des transcendantaux et la division du bien créé découlant du principe du souverain bien. La somme est bâtie d’après la primauté de la notion du bien transcendantal, et fut rédigée par opposition avec la doctrine manichéenne des Cathares, en vogue au XIIIe siècle, qui s’appuyait sur la prééminence de deux principes métaphysiques causant le bien et le mal, d’où devaient procéder toutes les choses de la Création. Ceci explique que nous ayons privilégié de seulement examiner les notions du bien et du mal en un sens général, car c’est au stade universel de l’ontologie du bien que l’auteur défait la possibilité du mal de nature, en amont des ramifications du bien créé, déployées, à l’envi, dans les questions de la somme où les réponses sont assignées à des problèmes spécifiques. Nous offrons ici, pour la première fois, une traduction en français d’une série de questions ayant permis de mener à bien ce projet. / This master’s thesis intends to clarify Philip the Chancellor’s answer to the problem of evil in the Summa de bono (1225-1228). To this end, we focus on the concept of evil as located within the transcendental system and the division of created good resulting from the supreme good. This sum, which is conceived from the primacy of the transcendental notion of good, was drafted in opposition to the Manichean doctrine of Cathars, a belief popular in the thirteenth century, which states that two metaphysical principles cause good and evil and it is from these principles that all things are created by nature. For this reason, we decided to study the concepts of good and evil only in a general sense, because the author dismantles the possibility of natural evil at the universal level of the ontology of the good and, prior to the deployment of the created good, it is through the sum’s questions that specific problems can be resolved. Here, we offer for the first time a French translation of several questions useful to this project.

Scholarship has tended to depict John Owen as a “Reformed catholic” attempting a synthesis of Reformed principles with a largely Thomist doctrine of God. In this thesis, I argue that this depiction risks losing sight of those aspects of Owen's doctrine of God that are intended to support a distinctly Protestant account of the economy of grace. By an examination of the principles of divine government, I argue that Owen employs the theme of God's “dominion” in order to establish the freedom and gratuity of God's grace, and to resist theologies that might otherwise use the doctrine of creation to structure and norm God's government of creatures. In chapter one, I argue against prevailing readings of Owen's thought that his theology of the divine will is, in fact, “voluntarist” in nature, prioritizing God's will over his intellect in the determination of the divine decree. I show that Owen regards God's absolute dominion as an entailment of his ontological priority over creatures. Chapters two and three examine the character of God's dominion over creatures in virtue of their “two-fold dependence” upon him as both Creator and Lawgiver. Chapter four takes up Owen's theology of God's remunerative justice in the context of his covenant theology. I show here that his doctrine of divine dominion underwrites his critique of merit-theology and attempts to establish the gratuity of that supernatural end to which humans are destined. Finally, in chapter five, I examine the principles of God's mercy, expressed in the work of redemption, where I demonstrate how Owen's conception of divine dominion underwrites the freedom of God in election and his account of particular redemption.

Rembrandt's use of light in his self-portraits has received an abundance of scholarly attention throughout the centuries--and for good reason. His light delights the eye and captivates the mind with its textural quality and dramatic presence. At a time of scientific inquiry and religious reformation that was reshaping the way individuals understood themselves and their relationship to God, Rembrandt's light may carry more intellectual significance than has previously been thought. Looking at Rembrandt's oeuvre of self-portraits chronologically, it is apparent that something happened in his life or in his understanding that caused him to change how he used light. A distinct and consistent shift can be observed in the location and intensity of light to the crown of the forehead. This change indicates that light held particular significance for Rembrandt and that its connection to the head was a signifier with intentional meaning. This meaning could have developed as a result of Rembrandt's exposure to and interest in the contemporary theological and philosophical debates of the seventeenth-century Netherlands, particularly those relating to the physical and eternal nature of the soul stemming from the writings of René Descartes. The relative religious and intellectual freedom of the Dutch Republic provided a safe place for Descartes to publish and defend his metaphysical ideas relating to the nature of the soul and know-ability of God through personal intellectual inquiry. The widespread disturbance to established thought caused by his ideas and methods sped their dissemination into the early seventeenth-century discourse. Rembrandt's associations with the educated elite, particularly Constantijn Huygens and Jan Six, increases the probability that he knew of this new philosophy and had the opportunity to consider its relevance to his own quest for self-knowledge. With his particular emphasis on self-exploration and expression, demonstrated through his prolific oeuvre of self-portraits, and his inclination toward emotive, complex, and interdenominational religious works, it follows that Rembrandt would be eager to embrace Descartes' metaphysics and demonstrate his awareness through his self-portraits. Light on the forehead becomes a metaphor for enlightenment and is the key to reading Rembrandt's late self-portraits through the lens of Cartesian influence.

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The aim of this study is to examine intangible aspects of medieval church architecture from an art historical perspective, by using the theoretical frameworks of  the theologist Alf Härdelin’s theory on multidimensionality and the philosopher of languages  John Langshaw Austin’s the­ory on speech acts and performativity. It studies the relationship between church architecture and liturgy during the 15th century. This case study’s main material is the Upland parish church Ärentuna and the liturgical sources Missale Upsalense novum (1513) and the devotional book Siælinna thrøst (15th century). The interior of the church has been examined to understand how the church interior may have been furnished during the 15th century.  During the 15th century the church had many more altars and devotion pictures than what one can see in the current furnishings of the church. There is a narratological succession in the construction of the building, as well as the iconographical motifs, from West to East, thus the meaning of it becomes increasingly sacred. In that way, the construction of the building, as well as the wall paintings converses, with the liturgy – which has its core in the choir. When lay­people entered the sacred space of the church, they perceived things in a specific order, which creates a sense of order and cohesion within the liturgy. The study found that liturgy produces meaning in the church architecture by giving a visual expression to faith through images. Through performative speech acts found in the liturgy, a multidimensional experience is created by the (theological) fact of Christ's presence in the church. The nave's paintings enhance the visitor’s experience of the church interior as an eternal heavenly presence with motifs such as the Seven days of Creation, the Ten Commandments, the Passion of Christ and finally the Last Judgment.