This thesis contributes to the existing literature by exploring the intersection between collective memory theory and ontological security theory within East Asia’s autonomous entities. It explores how varying degrees of political autonomy shape the construction of collective memory in history textbooks, navigating the dynamics in the pursuit of ontological security. Drawing from ontological security, collective memory, and autonomy literature, this thesis posits that the level of political autonomy within an entity influences the divergence or alignment of its collective memory from that of the central state in its process of ontological security seeking. The theoretical assumption for this thesis is that entities with greater political autonomy tend to construct a more distinct and independent collective memory, while those with lesser autonomy align their narratives closely with the central state. The findings suggest that Taiwan with the highest autonomy, forms the most distinct narratives from the central state, presenting Japan in a relatively positive light and depicting the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in a negative role. This distinct narrative reflects Taiwan’s assertion of its ontological security. Conversely, Macau with the lowest political autonomy, closely parallels the Mainland Chinese narrative, focusing predominantly on Chinese victimhood and celebrating the CCP’s heroism. Macau’s limited autonomy results in aligning its narrative closely with the central state to affirm ontological security through securing a positive relationship with the central state. Hong Kong, enjoying a comparatively higher autonomy than Macau, adopts a more nuanced approach, acknowledging Japan as a perpetrator while incorporating positive postwar Japanese imagery. Additionally, it portrays the CCP negatively in the context of war, differentiating its narrative from Mainland China. Thus, this thesis sheds light on how varying degrees of political autonomy shape ontological security pursuits, influencing the construction of collective memory.

En se concentrant sur les relations entre guerre et criminalité, cette étude se penche sur les transformations des activités criminelles en temps de guerre et sur l’influence du conflit sino-japonais sur les crimes et délits à Shanghai entre 1937 et 1942. Autour trois types de crimes principaux: l’atteinte aux biens, l’homicide et les infractions sur les stupéfiants, cette recherche examine les changements de la criminalité suscitée par l’évolution de l’environnement de Shanghai. La ville de Shanghai a en effet été marquée par des transformations radicales, autant sur le plan politique, qu’économique, social et spatial suite à l’éclatement de la guerre sino-japonaise à l’été 1937. Pour atteindre cet objectif, nous déploierons trois grandes méthodes de travail : comparaison quantitative, exploitation des statistiques et analyse spatiale. Pour éclairer les mutations de la criminalité et de l’ordre public entraînées par la guerre, nous comparerons l’importance quantitative relative des crimes et délits entre deux périodes : la décennie de Nanjing (1927-1936) d’une part et la période de guerre d’autre part. Nous réaliserons également une analyse statistique de l’évolution des activités criminelles en temps de guerre pour révéler la diversité des situations criminelles au cours de cette période spécifique qu’est la guerre. Enfin, en s’appuyant sur le logiciel de Système d’Information Géographique (SIG), nous proposerons une analyse spatiale de la criminalité pour évaluer l’importance de la dimension spatiale de la criminalité mettre au jour la forte corrélation entre criminalité et espace. / By focusing on the relationship between war and criminality, this study concentrates on the transformation of crime and the influence of this conflict on crimes in Shanghai during the years of the hostilities. Around three main types of crimes: offence against property, homicide and drug crime, this research examines the change of crime caused by the evolution of the environment of Shanghai, which has actually undergone a radical modification in politics, economy, society and urban space after the outbreak of the war in the summer of 1937. In order to realize this objective, three main methods are used in this study: a quantitative comparison, statistical and spatial analysis. So as to highlight the change in the situation of criminality and in the public order after the eruption of the war, a quantitative comparison between the crimes during the Nanjing decade (1927-1936) and the period of war is carried out. Meanwhile, a statistical analysis of the evolution of criminal activities in the different years of the wartime is implemented to reveal the various state of crime in different periods of the war. Finally, based on GIS software, a spatial analysis is performed to confirm the correlation between crimes and the spatial factor.

冷戰結束以來，兩極體系的瓦解使得東亞地區發生權力變化，為爭奪區域領導權，各國無不摩拳擦掌，其中尤以日本與中國兩國的競爭最為白熱化，兩國關係的發展也因而受到注目。日中兩國關係在1990年代歷經了初期的友好、中期的惡化與末期的低潮之後，進入二十一世紀，兩國關係已然走到關鍵的十字路口。2001年4月小泉純一郎以改革形象，挾前所未見的高人氣入主首相官邸，一上任即面臨受歷史教科書、李登輝訪日以及農產品貿易糾紛而陷入緊張的日中關係，再加上小泉首相面臨的是近兩百年來未見的崛起的中國，如何處理日中關係成為其任內的一大考驗。更重要的是，日中這東亞兩大國的互動，是合作抑或競爭，是否能破除「一山不容二虎」的迷思，都將大大影響東亞地區的未來，對身處東亞地區且正好鄰近此兩大國的我國來說，亦將是非常值得觀察的發展。 / 本文一開始首先簡單介紹從冷戰結束後到小泉首相上任之前，日中關係的大致發展，作為背景說明，其次則闡明本論文的研究動機與目的、研究範圍與限制、文獻回顧以及論文架構安排。第二章則介紹小泉時期的日本外交政策，提出五組決策者信念體系與其實際決策間的關聯因素作為分析架構，首先介紹小泉首相是如何看待現今的國際與區域情勢，以及因此衍生出來小泉的對外政策特徵，與傳統日本對外政策有何異同。第三章介紹自2001年4月小泉首相上台後日中關係的發展情況，以時間發展先後為本章的撰寫主軸，將小泉首相在位期間所發生對日本外交政策與日中關係有重大影響的四項重大國際事件（2001年9月的911事件、2002年10月的第二次北韓核武危機、2003年3月的伊拉克戰爭以及2005年12月的東亞高峰會）作為分斷點，並介紹此四項重大國際事件對日本外交政策的影響，以及該項日本外交政策的改變對於日中關係的影響。第四章分析小泉時期影響日中關係變化的發展因素，將小泉時期影響日中關係發展的重要正面因素分為經貿投資、在區域及國際性問題的合作以及政府開發援助（Official Development Assistance, ODA）三項。第五章分析小泉時期影響日中關係變化的衝突因素，將小泉時期影響日中關係發展的重要負面因素分為歷史與民族主義、領土、台灣、安全以及經濟與能源等五項。最後為結論，綜合以上各章節，歸納出小泉時期整體日中關係的情況與小泉上台對日中關係的影響及其原因，並以此為基礎，嘗試推測在「小泉後」的新政府時期，日中關係可能的發展走勢與變化。 / The purpose of this study was to explore the relations between two East Asian great powers, Japan and China, during Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro’s tenure. After the Cold War, the two powers have had encountered a period of changing relationship in the 1990s – from honeymoon to a series of quarrels. Under the situation of the power vacuum and power shift happened in the East Asian region, Japan and China have clashed fiercely in the process of competing for regional leadership. Now at the beginning of the 21th Century, Japan-China relations are at a crossroad, and here comes Koizumi who just got the power to lead Japan toward the new century. The atmosphere between Japan and China in the Koizumi era may have a great effect not only on the future of Japan-China relations but also on the future of the whole region, even the whole world. As a member of the East Asian region, there should be great interests for us in studying this theme, and getting to know how to deal with these two great powers on the basis of our own national interests. / The first part of this thesis composes research motives, purposes, scopes, limits, methods and literature review, and also provides the background of Japan-China relations in the 1990s. Chapter two focuses on Japan’s Foreign Policy under the Koizumi government, and analyzes the Prime Minister’s viewpoint on the nature of today’s international system and understands his foreign policy and China policy. Chapter three introduces the details between Japan and China interactions during the tenure of Koizumi. While Chapter four and five analyzes respectively the factors which foster or impede the development of Japan-China relations. In the last chapter, I reach the conclusion and find out the fundamental reason behind the deterioration of Japan-China relations in the Koizumi era, and then try further to predict the possible future development of Japan-China relations under the new Abe government.

The overarching aim of the thesis is to present a framework that makes possible an understanding of bilateral relations that challenges mainstream International Relations (IR) approaches through a study of the “history issue” in Sino-Japanese relations. A secondary aim is to provide an alternative understanding of this issue. Discussions of the issue are often highly influenced by the objectivism, rationalism, state-centrism and agent-centrism common in mainstream IR theory. This has several consequences, primarily that the focus is chiefly on behaviour and that equal emphasis is rarely put on both contexts. In order to address these consequences, the question of what kinds of narrative, as expressed in museum exhibitions about war in both countries, can be found and which ones dominate is addressed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The narratives, which contain the stories “we” tell about “our” past, are important components in and instantiate the abstract images that are identities, through which people make sense of the world. The context-sensitive analysis confirms the constructivist assumption that narratives matter by demonstrating that political actors strongly believe narratives shape people’s minds and act accordingly. It also shows that different narratives are present in both countries. It is suggested that the narratives are closely linked to domestic identity politics. Nonetheless, the depiction of self and other in these has consequences for bilateral relations. This has several implications, for example, that changes in the behaviour of leaders, while they may have a positive impact on relations, are insufficient as solutions to the problems. This has consequences for approaches preoccupied with behaviour. The study contributes to constructivist IR through a close textual analysis of narrative structure that illustrates the significance of labelling and categorizing in identity construction that is easily missed by less fine-grained analyses.

xv, 322 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This dissertation examines formal and popular campaigns against collaborators during the second Sino-Japanese war of 1937-1945, considering the role of these campaigns in the political struggles of the Nationalist (Guomindang) government, the interplay between discourses of law and morality, and the interactions of legal professionals, intellectuals, and commoners in the development of Chinese nationalism and anti-imperialism. During the Sino-Japanese war, the Japanese army occupied vast areas in China and sponsored puppet regimes at central and local levels in areas under its occupation. These regimes variously attracted, persuaded, or forced a large number of Chinese officials, intellectuals, and local elites to work in their administrations. The Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, which was the central Chinese government since 1928, retreated to the inland city of Chongqing to organize resistance against Japan. The Nationalist government labeled collaborators as hanjian , "traitors to the Han." The word became widely used in legal regulations, popular literature, and newspapers and became the most derogatory and politically disastrous title possible for a Chinese citizen. Individuals designated hanjian were exposed to public humiliation, confiscation of land and property, and the threat of assassination. Chiang Kai-shek's government also called for the common people to expose hanjian . Most such accusations were then transformed into legal procedures. These accusations resulted in varying and often unfair sentences. Designed by the Nationalist government to harness the force of popular nationalism and to restore justice, the anti- hanjian campaigns instead inadvertently exposed the corruption and incompetence of the Nationalist government and damaged the post-war construction effort. / Committee in charge: Bryna Goodman, Chairperson, History; Andrew Goble, Member, History; Ina Asim, Member, History; Tze-lan Sang, Outside Member, East Asian Languages & Literature

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of Communication

小泉時期全力支援美國小布希總統的全球反恐戰爭，透過強化美日同盟，成功提升日本在美日同盟的功能與角色，朝向正常國家之路邁進。小泉每年參拜靖國神社興起了日本的民族主義，但也造成了中日關係的惡化，進而加深了日本在加入聯合國安理會常任理事國上的難度，也成為中國大規模反日運動的導火線。在中日關係上，從二戰後就一直存在著歷史上的仇恨問題，以及地緣政治因素，中日兩國在領土紛爭及資源分配等政治經濟的議題上，始終有著既合作又競爭的複雜關係。小泉時期因為911反恐浪潮強化了追隨美國路線，使得美日間友好關係展現了前所未有的高潮，同時也使中日關係產生了前所未有的「政冷經熱」的詭異現象。 本文認為，小泉的追隨美國路線的外交政策或是在推動正常國家政策上，必然會對造成中日關係上的影響，但是在推動正常國家政策上中國的支持又不可或缺，進而日本需要調整對中政策才能達成目標。小泉時期的追隨美國路線，係以什麼基準考量推動對中政策？其對中政策又如何去影響中日關係？中日關係的變化是否又會對日本的對中政策有所改變？值得我們深加研究。 / During the Koizumi administration, Japan's normalized country policies strongly supported George W. Bush's Global War on Terror to increase its role in the U.S.-Japan alliance. In addition, Koizumi also made the formal visit to the Yasukuni Shrine every year and raised Japanese nationalism. Together, these acts have contributed to the deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations, deepened the difficulty of Japan's accession to the United Nations Security Council permanent members, and become the main cause of China's large-scale anti-Japanese movement. Since World War II, Sino-Japanese relations have been characterized by historical hatred and geopolitical factors. In territorial disputes, resource allocation, and other political and economic issues, China and Japan always have a complex relationship with both cooperation and competition. During the Koizumi period, Japan's pro-American policy was strengthened due to the wave of anti-terrorism following 911, which lead to an unprecedented climax in U.S.-Japan friendship. Meanwhile, Sino-Japanese relations experienced an unprecedented and strong phenomenon of "Cold Politics-Hot Economics." Koizumi's pro-American foreign policy or Normalization policy has significantly influenced Sino-Japanese relations. To promote normalization, however, China's support is also indispensable to Japan. Thus, Japan needs to adjust its policy to achieve its goals. This research explores the basis through which the Koizumi administration evaluate its China policy under a pro-American foreign policy guideline. How Japan's China policy influences Sino-Japanese relations and whether the change in Sino-Japanese relations will then change Japan's China policy are also worth our further discussions.

This dissertation consists of three essays in applied microeconomics on the economics of science. The first chapter contribute to the understanding of fairness and recognition in innovation systems. The second and third chapters study the effect of government policies and university relocation on science and education outcomes respectively. The first paper, coauthored with Zihao Li, studies gender difference in innovation recognition using patent citations. We propose a method to quantify under-citation, by constructing a “should-cite” list for each of over 1.5 million patents based on textual similarity, using state-of-the-art natural language processing technique. We find that female-authored patents are approximately 12% more likely to be under-cited than male-authored patents. Additionally, male inventors are far more likely to under-cite patents written by female inventors. Our findings are consistent with the testable implications of taste-based discrimination but not statistical discrimination. Welfare analysis shows that past under-citations negatively impact future patenting activities, especially for female inventors. The second paper, coauthored with Elliott Ash, Mirko Draca and David Cai studies the impact of a large-scale scientist recruitment program – China’s Junior Thousand Talents Plan – on the productivity of recruited scholars and their local peers in Chinese host universities. Using a comprehensive dataset of published scientific articles, we estimate effects on quantity and quality in a matched difference-in-differences framework. We observe neutral direct productivity effects for participants over a 6-year post-period: an initial drop is followed by a fully offsetting recovery. However, the program participants collaborate at higher rates with more junior China-based co-authors at their host institutions. Looking to peers in the hosting department, we observe positive and rising productivity impacts for peer scholars, equivalent to approximately 0.6 of a publication per peer scholar in the long run. Heterogeneity analysis and the absence of correlated resource effects point to the peer effect being rooted in a knowledge spillover mechanism. The third paper studies the long run effect on local education outcomes of the temporary exodus of Chinese universities in the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945). During the war, over 80% of China’s universities, along with the top tiers of China’s educated talents were forced to relocate to inland underdeveloped areas during the war. We find that the large inflow of educated elite intellectuals and universities increased local supply of secondary schools by 6.6% during and after the war period, indicating the effect cascades to lower tiers of education. However, such trend does not persist into the People’s Republic of China (PRC) era and we find limited effect on local education outcomes in the long run. We discuss the salience of locational fundamentals and education policies in explaining the absence of persistence.

The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 triggered many responses amongst the American public, including a number of private initiatives in medical aid that occupied a borderland between traditional humanitarian relief and political activism. This study is interested in the stories of three organisations arising in this tradition: the American Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy (AMBASD), the American Bureau for Medical Aid to China (ABMAC), and the China Aid Council (CAC). While three separate initiatives in terms of who was responsible for their creation in the United States, and the communities they sought to help abroad, all three demonstrate parallels in their foundation and development that merit a joint historical consideration. Emerging from the backdrop of isolationism in U.S. foreign policy, the AMBASD, ABMAC, and CAC became a means of voicing both political and humanitarian ideals through the medium of medicine. In many ways, this thesis becomes a study of lost causes. As political campaigns, none of the organisations in this study succeeded in changing U.S. policy, although the ABMAC and CAC benefitted from interests that overlapped with larger changes in U.S. military alliances. As humanitarian organisations, only one (the ABMAC) lived past the conflict to which it owed its foundation. Their story, however, retains its historical interest in challenging both the way in which we examine the mythology of humanitarian idealism, and our understanding of the balance between internationalism and isolationism in the 1930’s United States. For the medical activists of these organizations, medical aid offered both a tangible outlet for personal ethical and political beliefs, but also promised an alternative means of diplomacy that brought greater agency to more popular levels.

本論文總共從三個方向研究中韓同形詞彙：其一為從歷史研究找出中韓文化社會與中韓同形詞之間關係及其起源歷史淵源。中韓同形詞產生之重要原因是借詞，而且此借詞產生與當時社會文化情況有緊密之關係。於是從第二章到第四章，從社會變動文化擴散的角度切入研究中韓同形詞。透過此研究，總共找出三大中韓同形詞產生之路徑，如：中國古典文獻、佛教傳播、日本漢字詞擴散。 其二為從共時研究找出中韓同形詞後，加以進行同形詞詞義比較及中韓兩國詞頻百分比比較分析。台灣教育部出版《八十七年口語語料調查報告書》蒐集的口語詞彙總共達到22,444個詞，其中雙音節詞有14,470個詞。透過分析結果，總共找出3,303個同形同素同義詞、599個同形同素部分異義詞、171個同形同素異義詞、131中韓相關異形同義詞。本論文以此研究資料，進一步分析比較中韓同形詞頻百分比，了解同一個詞彙在於不同社會中不同的使用情況。而且透過同形同義詞、同形部分異義詞及同形異義詞之間的中韓詞頻百分比比較，亦可知由於中韓之社會、文化及生活之共同點，產生了中韓同形同義詞使用之共同趨勢。 其三為找出歷史研究與共時研究之相關性。 本研究先從歷史研究切入中韓同形詞產生的淵源及原因，然後從台灣口語詞彙找出目前所使用之中韓同形詞。透過這兩方面之研究，找出以下相關幾點： 　　一、透過目前使用之中韓同形詞詞義比較，找出詞義演變之歷史因素及對詞義演變產生影響之中韓社會特殊情況。 　　二、透過中韓同形詞起源的查找，追溯它們的根源及詞彙歷史。 　　三、透過日本起源同形同義詞在同形同義詞詞頻排行裡的分散程度，找出詞彙起源與現代實際使用之間的相關處。 　　四、透過起源於中國之詞彙的詳細分類，進一步探討目前使用之佛教詞彙與白話詞彙之使用情況及使用原因。 　　 結果可了得知關於中韓同形詞的歷史研究與共時研究之相關性。此點都在第五章詳細論述。 / A language is an essential tool for human communication and often it is the finest product of a particular society.　The lexicon of a certain language, especially loan words, has a close relationship with social changes or cultural exchanges, reflecting political and socio-cultural situations. Throughout ancient and modern history, as neighboring nations, China, Korea and Japan have had close relationships through social and cultural exchanges. Korea and Japan imported advanced ideas and technology through China before the late 19th century, and among many other elements the Chinese language had had an absolute influence on the Korean and Japanese language systems. 　　 However, from the late 19th century, while the influence from China dramatically decreased, Japan, which transformed itself to a modern nation-state through Westernization and industrialization, began to exercise power over Korea and China. The lexicon of Chinese, Korean and Japanese languages provide remarkable evidence to prove those dynamic socio-cultural exchanges among the tree countries. Particularly the Chinese homonyms existing in the lexicon of those three distinctive languages are apparent evidence. This paper is divided into three main parts. Firstly, the birth of loan words resulting from the cultural exchanges between China and Korea is analyzed diachronically. Chinese-originated homonyms are analyzed in terms of their different origins found in Chinese classical literature, Buddhist scriptures and colloquial Chinese. Especially loan words originating from Buddhist scriptures have unique characteristics in contrast to other common loan words. Later in the paper, the origin of the Japanese vocabulary, which influenced Chinese and Korean homonyms, will be looked at. Secondly, 4,202 words are selected from the total of 14,470 two-syllable words in Report on Taiwanese Spoken Words Frequency, which was published from a synchronic perspective by Taiwanese Ministry of Education. Those selected words are analyzed and classified into three groups: homonymous synonyms, homonymous words with partial difference in meaning and homographs. Thirdly, the words frequency of homonyms, commonly used both in Taiwan and Korea, is analyzed based on A Report on Korean Words Frequency published by Korea University in 2000 as well as A Report on Taiwanese Spoken Words Frequency. Through studies on origins, distribution and relationships between languages in terms of word frequency, historical origins of the vocabulary overlapping in both Chinese and Korean are analyzed in an attempt to combine synchronic and diachronic perspectives.