Rome's dependence upon slaves has been well established in terms of economics and general society. This paper, however, seeks to demonstrate this dependence, during the end of the Republic and the beginning of the Empire, through detailed examples of slave use in various areas of Roman life. The areas covered include agriculture, industry, domestic life, the state, entertainment, intellectual life, military, religion, and the use of female slaves. A look at manumission demonstrates Rome's growing awareness of this dependence. Through this discussion, it becomes apparent that Roman society existed during this time as it did due to slavery. Rome depended upon slavery to function and maintain its political, social, and economic stranglehold on the Mediterranean area and beyond.

The purpose of this study was to recognize the position of slavery as it pertained especially to the Negro in the Territory of Utah from 1847 to 1865, and the position of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints toward Indian slavery found in those tribes living within the boundary of the Utah Territory. Negro slavery was accepted and tolerated by the Latter-day Saints even though there were but few Negroes in the Territory. These were brought in by a few southern Saints.

[pt] Essa tese propõe um engajamento com as Relações Internacionais pela perspectiva da escravidão atlântica do século XIX ao analisar arquivos brasileiros e estadunidenses daquele centênio. O argumento desenvolvido nas próximas páginas é centrado na possibilidade de articular formas de pertencimento que não sejam definidas em termos espaciais. O desenvolvimento de um pensamento político que tenha como premissa a escravidão atlântica do século XIX é uma forma de focar no fenômeno político sem condicioná-lo ao espaço estatal. Essa ênfase na política, ao invés de na espacialidade, permite considerar outras formas de pertencimento para além de cidadania, consequentemente, a delimitação de espaço não como ponto de partida, mas como consequência. Nesta tese, eu desenvolvo essas formas de pertencimento e essa forma de espacialidade por meio de uma discussão sobre o conceito de Império.Ao perceber a escravidão como um Império atlântico, o papel dos Estados deixa de ser a força criadora desse fenômeno social e passa a ser o de administrador burocrático de uma dimensão política que inclui a diferença ao invés de negá-la. O argumento da tese é construído ao longo de seis capítulos (o primeiro sendo a Introdução). O capítulo 2 apresenta a insuficiência conceitual da disciplina, dependente da ideia abstrata de cidadania, para dar conta da escravidão. Esse sistema violento de exploração do trabalho é disciplinarmente incompreensível, seja como um projeto – de manter a diferença dentro das fronteiras – seja como lente para fazer sentido da população escravizada propriamente. Esse desafio para o arcabouço teórico disciplinar é a fundação na qual, a partir do terceiro capítulo, o argumento conceitual é construído pela leitura historiográfica e de arquivos sobre a escravidão. No capítulo 3 eu abordo as bibliografias sobre escravidão que lidam com as pessoas escravizadas como trabalho e a que caracteriza escravidão pela sua vida social de forma a construir um retrato mais preciso dessas pessoas. No capítulo 4, o foco é direcionado para o outro grupo de pessoas: os cidadãos. Homens brancos dos EUA e do Brasil que ativamente mantiveram a escravidão e suas articulações nos seus imaginários do Atlântico. O capítulo 5 aborda as antinomias do liberalismo ao considerar como ele foi dependente da escravidão ao mesmo tempo em que invisibilizou a escravidão pelas lentes que usa para ler o século XIX. No capítulo 6 eu desenvolvo por completo o conceito de Império como uma forma de interpretar uma dimensão política que está sobre os Estados – sem os negar – e cuja política impacta diretamente na vida dos cidadãos e não-cidadãos incorporados nos seus domínios. / [en] This thesis proposes an engagement with International Relations from the perspective of 19th Century Atlantic slavery by looking to Brazilian and US archives that date from the 1800s. The argument developed in the following pages is centered on the possibility of articulating forms of belonging not defined in spatial terms. Developing a political thought premised on 19th Century Atlantic Slavery is a way of focusing on the political phenomenon without conditioning it to the state spaciality. This emphasis on the politics, instead of on the spatiality, allows for considering new ways of belonging and new approaches to the delimitation of space. In this thesis I develop them by proposing a debate on the concept of Empire. In characterizing Slavery as an Atlantic Empire, the role of States goes from being the creating force of slavery to managerial bureaucratic entrepots within a dimension of politics that encompasses difference instead of denying it. The argument is built along 6 chapters (the first being the Introduction). Chapter 2 presents the insufficiency of IR as a discipline, profoundly dependent on the abstract idea of citizenship, to account for slavery. This violent labour exploitation system is disciplinarily incomprehensible either as a project – of keeping the different within the borders – or in the possibility of accounting for the enslaved population itself. This challenge to the disciplinary theoretical framework is the foundation upon which, from the third chapter onwards, the conceptual argument builds through the reading of historiography and archives on slavery. In chapter 3, I address the bibliographies of slavery that deal with enslaved people as labour and the bibliography that characterizes them in their social lives in order to build a more accurate portrait of these people. Chapter 4 focuses on the other cohort of people: the citizens. White men from the US and from Brazil actively maintained slavery and its articulation in their imaginaries of the Atlantic. Chapter 5 addresses the antinomies of Liberalism by considering how it was dependent on slavery at the same time that it operated to make slavery invisible through the lenses with which it reads the 19th Century. In chapter 6, I fully articulate the concept of Empire as a way of interpreting a political dimension that stands above States – without denying them – and whose politics directly impacts on the lives of citizens and non-citizens encompassed within its domains.

US sociology has historically denied slavery and colonialism as demanding of sociological study. The roots of this can be examined at the turn of the twentieth century in the early years of the institutionalization of the discipline in American universities. The inattention stems from a white supremacist racial ontology that underpins US sociology in general (embedded in the category of modernity and the category of sociology itself). There are traces or identifiable ‘moments of silencing’ during the first ten years of the American Journal of Sociology (AJS), the discipline’s first professional journal in the US, in which early (white) sociologists hide the colonial and slavery-dependent material roots of modernity behind a “positivistic” philosophy of social science and a mix of the biologically and culturally inflected ideologies of scientific racism. The persistence of the notion of modernity as given and the unconscious positivist epistemology of mainstream US sociology causes it to stall in face of the paralyzing contradiction between a stated interest in addressing inequality and a simultaneous refusal to examine the issues of power and inequality in the conditions of its own founding.

This thesis analyzes the conceptualization of agency as a form of resistance against dehumanizing slavery discourses present in the narrative The Underground Railroad (2016) by Colson Whitehead. For the historical contextualization and the theoretical background, the scholarly work Stamped from the Beginning by Ibram X. Kendi is used. This serves to better illustrate how Whitehead’s novel, despite being fiction, draws on themes and topics that are real to the experience of millions of black people, particularly in the context of American slavery. The analysis demonstrates how the main black characters, particularly Cora, challenge and invert dehumanizing slavery discourses on brutality and sexual violence, mobility, community and bodily autonomy. They do so by reclaiming agency to humanize themselves and their people, reject captivity by escaping, reject isolation by forming and nurturing relationships with one another, and taking ownership over their bodies and minds with every possible means available. Black female characters such as Cora also reject hegemonic masculinity, which is linked to the system of slavery being understood as patriarchal. Such rejection occurs by defying power dynamics which guarantee the subordination of femaleness and blackness, to maleness and whiteness. Another finding of the thesis is the way in which racism, constructed and used to perpetuate racist policies that benefit the interests of white people, leads to a number of black people in the narrative developing a sense of self shaped by racist notions of inferiority, leading them to sabotage themselves and their people. This could be understood as assimilationism, which ranges from a severe self-sabotage, to fighting for acceptance of white people’s approval, buying into the false notion that something was wrong with blackness in the first place. This thesis is unapologetically antiracist and rejects dehumanizing slavery discourse in its writing. / Denna avhandling analyserar konceptualiseringen av agens som en form av motstånd mot dehumaniserande slaveridiskurser i The Underground Railroad (2016) av Colson Whitehead. För den historiska kontextualiseringen och den teoretiska bakgrunden används Stamped from the Beginning av Ibram X. Kendi. Detta tjänar till att bättre illustrera hur Whiteheads roman, trots att den är fiktion, bygger på teman och ämnen som är centrala i miljontals svarta människors erfarenheter, särskilt i samband med USAs slaverihistoria. Analysen visar hur de svarta huvudkaraktärerna, särskilt Cora, utmanar och inverterar avhumaniserande slaveridiskurser kring brutalitet och sexuellt våld, mobilitet, gemenskap och kroppslig autonomi. De gör det genom att återta friheten att humanisera sig själva och sitt folk, vägra fångenskap genom att fly och, isolering genom att bilda och vårda relationer och hävda äganderätt över kropp och sinne med alla tillbuds stående medel. Svarthet kvinnliga karaktärer som Cora avvisar också hegemonisk maskulinitet, vilket är kopplat till att slaverisystemet förstås som patriarkalt. Sådant förkastande sker genom att trotsa maktdynamik som garanterar underordnandet av kvinnlighet och svarthet, till manlighet och vithet. Uppsatsen visar öckså att det sätt på vilket rasism, konstruerad och använd för att vidmakthålla en politik som gynnar vita människors intressen, leder till att ett antal svarta människor i berättelsen utvecklar en självkänsla som formats av rasistiska föreställningar om underlägsenhet, vilket leder dem att sabotera för sig själva och sitt folk. Detta kan förstås i termer av assimilationism, som sträcker sig från ett allvarligt självsabotage, till att kämpa för vita människors godkännande, att köpa in sig i den falska föreställningen att något är fel med svarhet. Den här uppsatsen är antirasistisk och avvisar avhumaniserande slaveridiskurser.

This essay examines Harriet Jacobs’s autobiography Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl from the perspective of resistance theory. The essay uses the analytical framework created by Anna Johansson and Stellan Vinthagen in Conceptualizing 'Everyday Resistance': A Transdisciplinary Approach (2020) to concretize and understand different resistance methods and how black women resisted while navigating in society as slaves and as mothers. Resistance theory and methodology is a newer research area in literature studies, and this study attempts to add to that research field to broaden the understanding of Harriet Jacobs’s autobiography from a resistance perspective point of view. Johansson and Vinthagen’s analytical framework uses four different aspects to capture conceptual and situational combinations of everyday resistance and relationships existing between agents and powerholders. This study finds that motherhood and communal resistance motivate and influence Jacobs's will to continue fighting for liberty and explains how Jacobs’s everyday resistance actions create a feeling of meaning and agency in her life.

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