Doctorat en sciences psychologiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis aims to make sense of Left politics in South Africa within the Tri-partite Alliance between the ANC, SACP and COSATU. The thesis focuses on developments in the Eastern Cape, between 2000 and 2008. The thesis describes the prevalent forms of Left politics in the Eastern Cape and the tendencies in the Alliance that organise this Left. The thesis also examines the historical, social and political conditions and that shape the form and content of Left politics in the province. Based on a survey of literature on what is considered the core manifestations of Left politics globally in the 20th Century Left politics is defined as the elements of the political spectrum that are concerned with the progressive resolution of involuntary disadvantage and with a goal of abolishing class society and capitalism. Although the Alliance as a whole should be seen to be on the Left on an international political spectrum, this thesis argues that the Left/Right dichotomy is useful for understanding the politics of the Alliance, as long as the second part of this definition is taken into consideration. The Alliance Left is understood as those leaders and activists within the Alliance that have the SACP and Cosatu as their operating base. It will be argued that this Left is, in its practice, largely concerned with what insiders refer to as politics of „influence‟, rather than with politics of „structural transformation‟. It is the ANC that is the leader of the Alliance and the party in government and thus it is on the terrain of ANC strategy, policy and positions that contestation in the Alliance plays itself out. Thus, for the Left, there is strength in the idea of the Alliance. However, there are significant theoretical and political weaknesses in the Left that undermine the possibility of making good use of various corporatist platforms to pursue the agenda of the Left in the Eastern Cape. There is also increased contestation within the Alliance Left itself about the continued usefulness of this strategy.

The problem addressed in this study can be stated thus: There are extremely limited numbers of students from the lowest economic class graduating from our nation's institutions of higher education. The challenge to institutions of higher education is how to improve access, support, and successful completion of higher education for students experiencing the most extreme poverty barriers. Weber's (1946) social-class theory was selected to determine the meanings and interpretations of students from poverty backgrounds in regard to their success and perceived barriers to success in completing college. This theoretical construct is based on the idea that collectively held meanings arise from three distinct although related dimensions of life including, lifestyles, context, and economic opportunity. Focus group interviews with a representative group of 24 people who grew up in generational poverty were the main source of data (Merton, Fiske, & Kendall, 1990). The focus group interviews were open-ended and designed to reveal the participants' subjective experience of completing a college degree (Schatzman & Strauss, 1973). A demographic questionnaire administered to 56 respondents was used to complement the focus group interviews. The grounded theory approach guided the data collection and analysis process (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). According to its objectives, the study results provided: (a) a description of the poverty-related conditions, (b) an overview of the early educational experiences of the participants, (c) a demographic profile, (d) an overview of perceived challenges and barriers to higher education and (e) a discussion of success factors. The findings from this study would suggest five areas for educational improvement: (a) development of a campus climate sensitive to social class and poverty issues; (b) implementation of faculty, staff, and student social-class sensitivity training programs combined with curricular reform; (c) facilitation of connections to informal mentors; (d) articulation of connections between obtaining a college degree and earning a higher income; and an (e) exploration of expanding college partnerships with social service agencies that are geared to helping people in poverty.

My own experience as an American have led to questions concerning stratification of Negroes by Whites and Negroes by Negroes. What, if any, is the history behind these social distinctions, based primarily on variables such as race and skin-color gradations? Evidence as to achievements by people representing all races and skin-color gradations is more available today than say, during slavery, because of better opportunities for all citizens of this country to become informed vis the mass media. What is there in history that lends basis to these ridiculous myths based on race and skin-color gradations? Could the institution of slavery in the United States be associated with these startifications? If so, what are the aspects of slavery that helped produce these stratifications of Negroes by Whites and Negroes by Negroes? In addressing myself to this problem, I intend to first list and operationally define the key variables in my problem. Then the probable associations among these variables will be inferred, followed by a triangulative historical analysis utilizing multiple data from various sources, to test my problem. Webb, Campbell, et al view that triangulations of data is the best method of controlling for rival explanations and/or data combinations. It is my hope that this thesis will be an addition to the somewhat limited current collections of works about the Negro and stratification, by “insiders” such as myself.

This thesis discusses the intersections of class and the lack of social mobility in three versions of Cinderella from the seventeenth century. The works covered are are Giambattista Basile's "La Gatta Cennerentola" ["The Cat Cinderella"] (c.1634), Charles Perrault's "La Petite Pantoufle de Verre" ["The Glass Slipper"] (1697), and Marie- Catherine D'Aulnoy's "Finette Cendrone" ["Clever Cinderella"] (1697). The seventeenth-century versions of Cinderella all reaffirm the existing class system. In each of these versions the message is that the ruling elite must maintain or regain to their status. We can see this by the ways in which the characters gain and lose status in their respective narratives. Ultimately, the early modern Cinderella story is one that supports a hereditary class system. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2016. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Cette thèse s’intéresse à un dispositif, particulièrement critiqué à la fin des années 2000 pour son usage exponentiel et pour son indigence en matière de droits : la garde à vue. Loin de la restreindre à sa codification juridique d’acte d’enquête, la garde à vue peut alors être appréhendée comme un instrument désormais privilégié de gestion de la police et de la politique en matière de petite et moyenne délinquance. Mais sous le coup des injonctions européennes, le gouvernement français est contraint de la réformer en avril 2011. Le mis en cause a désormais le droit d’être assisté d’un avocat pendant toute la durée de l’interrogatoire. Avec cette réforme, la garde à vue incarne une tension entre, d’une part, l’intensification de la répression de certaines populations et d’autre part, la reconnaissance de droits nouveaux qui leur sont accordés. À partir d’une enquête mêlant études de débat, ethnographie et questionnaire, l’objet de cette thèse est d’interroger la mise en œuvre et les effets de cette réforme paradoxale sur l’institution policière. La réforme de la garde à vue ne peut pas être appréhendée comme une simple modalité d’action publique. Elle constitue un moment critique de transformation des modalités de relations de l’État aux administrés, complexifiées par l’introduction des avocats en interrogatoire. Les effets de la présence de l’avocat varient, selon les usages qui sont faits de la garde à vue (d’une mesure de contention à un acte d’enquête), liés à la position des agents et des services dans la hiérarchie des prestiges policiers, et selon les propriétés sociales des gardés à vue, des policiers, et des avocats. La rencontre des uns et des autres peut prendre la forme d’une configuration d’alliance, de conflit, de concurrence, selon les différentes variables étudiées. Par l’étude de ces configurations d’interrogatoires, situées et incarnées, nous montrons qu’à chaque type de population est attaché un usage spécifique de la garde à vue. Ainsi, l’entrée par la garde à vue permet plus largement de voir la justice et la gestion des illégalismes par l’État en train de se faire. / This PhD investigates an apparatus that attracted considerable criticism in the late 2000s for being overused and failing to ensure enough rights: garde à vue, which roughly translates as police custody. Far from being only an investigative act, as its legal definition goes, garde à vue increasingly operates as a key instrument for the police and political management of petty crime. To meet the EU’s demands, however, the French government was forced to reform the system in April 2011. Suspects now have the right to receive a lawyer’s assistance during their entire interrogation. The reform of garde à vue reflects a tension between the intensifying repression of specific populations and the recognition of new rights granted to them. Drawing on the study of debates, ethnographic material and a questionnaire, this research examines the implementation and the effects of this paradoxical reform on the police institution.The reform of garde à vue cannot be approached simply as a public policy shift. Beyond that, it constitutes a key juncture in the transformations of the relationships between the State and citizens resulting from the introduction of lawyers during the interrogations. Effects of the lawyer’s presence vary according to the uses of garde à vue (from a measure of restraint to an investigative act), which relate to the position of agents and departments in the hierarchy of police prestige, and the social properties of suspects, members of the police and lawyers. The interactions between these protagonists may be characterized by configurations of alliance, conflict or competition depending on the above variables. Through the situated, embodied analysis of these configurations of interrogation, I show that a distinct use of garde à vue corresponds to each type of population. The focus on police custody ultimately yields broader insights into justice and the State’s management of illegalisms in the making.

This thesis uses the Victorian ideology of chivalric manlines to explain the class-oriented army hierarchy developed by volunteer soldiers from northern England during the Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902. Newspaper reports, advertising, and popular fiction reveal a public mythology of imperial manliness and neo-chivalric ideals that was transferred onto civilian volunteers, creating an ideal warrior that satisfied a thirst for honour. This mythology created a world view in which northern communities, once supporters of the burgeoning peace movement, became committed supporters of parochial units of volunteer soldiers that fought in the newly expanded army. Soldiers' letters and diaries reveal that ingrained ideals of manliness and chivalry led to class-differentiated hierarchies within the army that mirrored those in civilian life. Contrary to the conclusions of some current historians, the Regular soldier remained in his traditional place at the bottom of the army structure, so that "the more things change, the more they remain the same." / vi, 138 leaves ; 29 cm.

In the reading of the servants in examples from the period 1920-1950, the servant question is invoked to expose the workings of class. The servants in these narratives of Bowen, Green, Taylor, Waugh, Mansfield and Panter-Downes, lady’s maids, housekeepers, nannies, a butler and a chauffeur, are in thrall to the collective structures of societal ordering, and reluctant with respect to social mobility. Class was not fully being negotiated in this period, in fact little change was visible. Fer example intimacy, such as that between the lady’s maid and her mistress, meant that class confrontation was unlikely. The nanny showed that culturally constructed mechanisms such as nostalgia could be employed to discourage the desire for change. In terms of the socio-historical context any transformation in the make-up of domestic life – that is, the move towards homes without servants - was a fairly gradual business. But, there was a widespread belief in a change that had not really taken place – and that certainly had not taken place within domestic service. Any transformation of society was superficial; the governing ranks would not permit their disempowerment through genuine class change. I contend that the literature supports this perspective. Servants desire subservience; they find comfort in the familiarity of the system of household ranking-by-status. In the process, authority itself is portrayed as being less immutable, more malleable and thereby equipped for the future. In this sense the narratives read in this thesis go to make up a literature of resistance, in refutation of the overwhelming narrative of the time, progressing instead the notion that class must persist with its boundaries intact, as its hegemony is desirable and necessary for the smooth, successful operation of society.

<p align="justify">Les Européens (Belges, Grecs et Italiens) du Katanga, dont le nombre s’est considérablement réduit au cours de la période post-coloniale, forment aujourd’hui le groupe le plus puissant de l’économie de la région. Au vu des troubles qui ont marqué l’histoire du Congo depuis l’indépendance, pourquoi sont-ils restés sur place ?Comment ont-ils développé leurs affaires dans une économie sur le déclin, en voie de marginalisation, et dans une structure politique patrimoniale de plus en plus instable ?Et quelle est leur place au sein de la société congolaise ?Telle est la triple question de départ à laquelle tente de répondre cette thèse en abordant de façon successive, au fil des chapitres, leur parcours migratoire, leur insertion dans la société congolaise, la dynamique de leur communauté, leur rôle dans les deux plus gros secteurs de la région, et leurs rapports avec les représentants de l’Etat. Elle prend appui pour ce faire sur une recherche de terrain conduite entre 2003 et 2004.</p><p><p align="justify">If the number of Europeans (Belgians, Greeks and Italians) living in Katanga has considerably decreased during the post-colonial period, they represent today the most powerful entrepreneurial group of the local economy. Once considered the troubles they came across since independence, why did they remain in the Congo? How did they develop their business in a declining economy, in process of marginalization, and in a patrimonial political structure, which proves to be more and more unstable? Finally, what is their place and role in Congolese society? These are the three questions this thesis tries to give an answer. Through the chapters, it studies the migration of expatriates in Africa, their relationship with Congolese society, the dynamics of their community, their role in the two most important sectors of Katanga, and the way they interact with the agents of the State. For this purpose, it rests upon a fieldwork research led between 2003 and 2004.</p> / Doctorat en sciences sociales, Orientation anthropologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

En 1944, le Conseil national de la Résistance décide de reconstruire un Etat social dans la continuité du Front populaire, avant que le second conflit ne l’interrompe. Les syndicats ouvriers réunifiés dans la CGT (sauf la CFTC) décident de soutenir ce programme. Les syndicats de fonctionnaires de Seine-Maritime s’organisent pour participer à cette reconstruction qu’ils attendaient. Quels sont leurs revendications ? Sur quoi s’appuient-ils pour les mettre en avant ? Quels sont les valeurs qu’ils défendent ? Attendent-ils tout de l’Etat social ? Quelle est leur conception de cet Etat social ? Enfin, quels moyens utilisent-ils pour le défendre et le faire progresser ? Obtenant la reconnaissance de leur liberté syndicale qui comprend le droit de grève, ils acceptent un statut qui se révèle fort protecteur vis-à-vis de l’administration et de sa hiérarchie. Ils obtiennent aussi la gestion de la Sécurité sociale par leurs mutuelles qui les entraînent, en Seine-Maritime, à construire une mutualité départementale unifiée et puissante. Toutefois, la division du monde en deux blocs, un libéral et un communiste, traverse ces syndicats et aboutit à la scission de 1947. Cela n’empêche pas la participation aux grèves de 1953 qui leur permet de sauver leur retraite. S’ils soutiennent le général de Gaulle (1890-1970) dans sa politique de décolonisation et contre les généraux factieux, ils l’affrontent sur sa politique institutionnelle, économique et sociale. La grève de 1968 en est l’aboutissement, par-delà les remises en cause. Mais pour rétablir l’Etat social qu’ils souhaitent, il leur faut soutenir les campagnes électorales de 1974 et 1981 du candidat de la gauche, François Mitterrand (1916-1996), qui l’emporte en 1981, en dépit de leurs divergences et grâce à la volonté unitaire de leurs militants. / In 1944, the National Council of Resistance decides to rebuild a welfare state, in continuation of the Popular Front, that the second World War stops it. The trade unions reunified, in CGT (except CFTC) decide to sustain this program. The trade unions of civil servants from Seine-Maritime organize themselves to take part in this rebuild that they waited for it. What are their demands ? On What do they lean themselves to put them before ? What are their values for which they fight? Do they wait all from the state ? What is their idea of this welfare state ? At least, what means do they use to fight for it and bring it to progress ? Getting the recognition of their freedom union laws, which includes right striking, they agree civil servant status which turn out very protective against their adminstration and its hierarchy. They get too the management of Health Security by their mutual insurances which lead them, in Seine-Maritme, to build a powerful departemental mutual insurance. However, the division of world in two blocks, one liberal and one communist, goes through these trade unions and leads to the break away of 1947 That does not prevent the participation to strikes of 1953 wich they are be able to save their retirement. If they sustain general De Gaulle in his decolonization policy and ag ainst seditious generals, they clash him on his institutional, économic and social policy. The strike of 1968 is the culmination of it, throuhgout adjournements. But in order to restore the welfare state that they hope, they must sustain lefts’ candidate, François Mitterrand, in their electoral compaigns of 1974 and 1981, who wins in this last year, in spite of their differences and thanks to the Will of unity of their activists.