Problématique. Cette thèse examine comment la pression sociale — issue de la norme sociale que voter est un devoir civique — influence la décision d’aller voter ou non. La recherche sur la participation électorale est largement dominée par une vision de l’électeur comme étant un acteur individuel et rationnel. Ce faisant, trop peu d’attention a été portée spécifiquement au rôle du cercle social comme vecteur de pression sociale. De plus, une importante littérature en psychologie sociale démontre de la puissante influence des normes sociales et de la pression sociale qui s’en dégage sur les comportements. En science politique, les études expérimentales associées au projet Get-Out-The-Vote (GOTV) ont démontré l’effet causal de la pression sociale sur la participation électorale. Cependant, ces études ne nous aident pas à comprendre comment cette pression s’exerce dans la vie quotidienne, ni à en déterminer la fréquence, l’intensité, ou encore qui l’exerce et qui la subit. Quelques études observationnelles récentes traitent de certaines de ces questions et offrent de premiers éléments de réponse. Cette thèse s’inscrit dans cette littérature émergente, avec pour objectifs de mesurer, décrire et comprendre la pression sociale pour aller voter et son influence sur la participation électorale en dehors d’un contexte expérimental. Questions de recherche. Je cherche à répondre à quatre questions fondamentales sur la pression sociale pour aller voter : 1) Combien ? Quelle proportion de personnes rapportent de la pression sociale pour aller voter et combien de pression reçoivent-elles ? 2) Qui ? Qui émet la pression sociale pour aller voter et qui la subit ? 3) Comment ? Comment la pression sociale pour aller voter s’exerce-t-elle ? Par quel mécanisme influence-t-elle la décision de voter ou non ? 4) Quels effets ? Quel est l’effet de la pression sociale sur la participation électorale et comment est-ce que cet effet varie ? Méthodologie. La thèse se divise en trois chapitres empiriques sous forme d’articles scientifiques. Je présente dans le premier chapitre empirique un portrait descriptif et comparatif de la pression sociale à partir de données de 65 études électorales dans 11 pays, totalisant environ 287 000 répondants et plus de 872 000 mesures de pression sociale. Je me concentre dans les deux autres chapitres empiriques sur le rôle et l’influence des attentes de désapprobation de l’abstention sur la participation électorale. Je cherche dans le second chapitre empirique à comprendre les déterminants des attentes de désapprobation ainsi que l’intersection entre le devoir civique et la désapprobation. Pour ce faire, j’utilise les données d’un module de questions original administré dans l’Étude électorale autrichienne de 2019. Je m’intéresse dans le dernier article empirique au rôle de modération de la visibilité du comportement sur la désapprobation ; les gens devraient voter pour éviter la désapprobation des autres seulement s’ils pensent que les autres seront au courant de leur décision. Je mobilise pour ce chapitre les données d’un second module de questions original, administré cette fois dans l’Étude électorale canadienne de 2019. Résultats obtenus. Mes analyses confirment que la pression sociale pour aller voter est très présente dans la société. La pression sociale descriptive est plus fréquente que celle injonctive et ses effets sur la pression sociale sont plus stables. En fait, je trouve que la pression sociale injonctive influence la décision de voter dans la moitié des études. D’autre part, mes analyses montrent que la pression sociale est plus fréquente et plus forte lorsqu’elle provient de personnes plus proches dans notre réseau, comme la famille et le partenaire. Elle est également plus forte chez les personnes plus éduquées, plus riches, et plus âgées. Les personnes ayant un sens élevé du devoir civique rapportent également plus de pression sociale, mais ne semblent pas influencées par cette pression. Contrairement aux attentes théoriques, je ne trouve pas d’effet de modération de la visibilité du comportement sur l’influence de la désapprobation. Enfin, je trouve également que la pression sociale varie surtout sur le plan la mesure. Conclusions. Cette thèse confirme le rôle crucial de la pression sociale comme déterminant de la participation électorale. Elle contribue à notre compréhension générale des normes sociales, et de leur influence spécifique sur la participation. Ceci est important, car la participation électorale est l’un des piliers caractérisant un système démocratique en bonne santé. Mieux comprendre le mécanisme de pression sociale contribuera au développement d’outils de mobilisation efficaces, éthiques et non partisans pour pallier au déclin de la participation électorale au Canada et ailleurs dans le monde. Cette thèse a également des conséquences méthodologiques importantes pour la mesure de la pression sociale et avance de nouvelles théories pour comprendre la participation électorale et l’influence de la pression sociale. En somme, cette thèse pose de bases solides pour de futures recherches sur la pression sociale pour aller voter. / Background. This dissertation examines how social pressure — stemming from the social norm that voting is a civic duty — influences the decision to vote or not. Research on electoral participation is largely dominated by a view of the voter as an individual and a rational actor. Hence, too little attention has been paid specifically to the role of the social circle as a vector of social pressure. Moreover, a large body of literature in social psychology demonstrates the powerful influence of social norms and the social pressure they generate on behaviour. In political science, experimental studies associated with the Get-Out-The-Vote (GOTV) project have demonstrated the causal effect of social pressure on voter turnout. However, these studies do not help us to understand how social pressure is exerted in everyday life, to determine its frequency and intensity, or who exerts it and who receives it. Recent observational studies have sought to answer these questions and offer some initial answers. This thesis is part of this emerging literature, with the objectives of measuring, describing and understanding the social pressure to vote and its influence on electoral participation outside an experimental context. Research questions. I am seeking to answer four fundamental questions about the social pressure to vote: 1) How much? How many people report social pressure to vote, and how much pressure do they report? 2) Who? Who exerts social pressure to vote, and who experiences it? 3) How? How does the social pressure to vote mechanism work? How does it influence the decision to vote or not? 4) What effects? What are the effects of social pressure on voter turnout, and how do these effects vary? Methodology. The dissertation is divided into three empirical chapters in the form of scientific articles. In the first empirical chapter, I present a descriptive and comparative portrait of social pressure based on data from 65 electoral studies in 11 countries, totalling about 287,000 respondents and more than 872,000 measures of social pressure. In the other two empirical chapters, I focus on the role and influence of abstention disapproval expectations on electoral participation. In the second empirical chapter, I seek to understand the determinants of disapproval expectations and the intersection between civic duty and disapproval. To do so, I use data from an original question module administered in the 2019 Austrian Election Study. In the last empirical paper, I focus on the moderating role of behaviour visibility on disapproval; people should vote to avoid disapproval only if they believe that others will be aware of their decision to vote or not. For this chapter, I mobilize data from another original question module, this time administered in the 2019 Canadian Election Study. Results. My analyses confirm that social pressure to vote is quite prevalent in society. Descriptive social pressure is more frequent than injunctive pressure, and its effects on social pressure are more stable. In fact, I find that injunctive social pressure influences the decision to vote in about half the studies. My analyses also show that social pressure is more frequent and stronger from relationships in our social circle, such as family or the partner. Social pressure is stronger among people who are better educated, wealthier and older. Although people with a strong sense of civic duty also report more social pressure, they do not seem to be influenced by it. I find no moderating effect of behavioural visibility on the influence of disapproval contrary to theoretical expectations. At last, I also find that most of the variance in social pressure occurs at the measurement level. Conclusions. This dissertation confirms the crucial role of social pressure as a determinant of electoral participation. It contributes to our general understanding of social norms and their specific influence on voter turnout. This is important because electoral participation is one of the pillars of a healthy democratic system. A better understanding of the social pressure mechanism will help to develop effective, ethical and non-partisan mobilization tools to counter the decline in electoral participation in Canada and the world. This dissertation also has important methodological implications for measuring social pressure and suggests new theories for understanding voter turnout and the influences of social pressure. In sum, this thesis dissertation offers a solid foundation for future research on social pressure to vote.

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The aim of the study was to offer solutions for the enhancement of Indonesia’s HIV and AIDS policy and to suggest future possibilities. In the process, the gendered nature of the epidemic was explored. In light of the relatively lower rates of employment among Indonesian women, this study also sought to gain insights into the possible reasons for many women appearing to be attached to domesticity. In the first phase of the study, interviews with stakeholders in HIV and AIDS prevention were conducted, followed by a Delphi exercise involving 23 HIV and AIDS experts. In the second phase, 28 women from various ethnicities were interviewed, including those in polygamous and contract marriages. The overall results were interpreted through the lens of complexity theory. Fewer than half of the proposed objectives were approved by the experts in the Delphi round. These were interventions mainly aimed at the risk groups while most objectives relating to education about HIV and AIDS and safer sex for the general public failed to obtain consensus. Reasons for the lack of consensus were differences in perceptions associated with human rights, moral reasoning, the unfeasibility of certain statements and personal conviction about the control of the epidemic. Emphasis on men’s and women’s innate characteristics; men’s role as breadwinner; women’s primary role as wife, mother and educator of their children; and unplanned pregnancies emerged as major themes from the qualitative phase. While the adat and Islam revival movements may have endorsed the ideals of the New Order state ideology, Javanese rituals regarded as violating Islam teachings were abandoned. Ignorance about safer sex and HIV and AIDS was also established. Interpretation of the results through the lens of complexity theory revealed that the national HIV and AIDS policy needs to encompass interventions for the general population, which would include comprehensive sex education in schools and media campaigns focusing on women. It was found that women’s vulnerability to HIV and their penchant for domesticity appear to be associated with their perceived primary role as wife and mother, as promoted by the adat-based New Order state ideology. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

The aim of the study was to offer solutions for the enhancement of Indonesia’s HIV and AIDS policy and to suggest future possibilities. In the process, the gendered nature of the epidemic was explored. In light of the relatively lower rates of employment among Indonesian women, this study also sought to gain insights into the possible reasons for many women appearing to be attached to domesticity. In the first phase of the study, interviews with stakeholders in HIV and AIDS prevention were conducted, followed by a Delphi exercise involving 23 HIV and AIDS experts. In the second phase, 28 women from various ethnicities were interviewed, including those in polygamous and contract marriages. The overall results were interpreted through the lens of complexity theory. Fewer than half of the proposed objectives were approved by the experts in the Delphi round. These were interventions mainly aimed at the risk groups while most objectives relating to education about HIV and AIDS and safer sex for the general public failed to obtain consensus. Reasons for the lack of consensus were differences in perceptions associated with human rights, moral reasoning, the unfeasibility of certain statements and personal conviction about the control of the epidemic. Emphasis on men’s and women’s innate characteristics; men’s role as breadwinner; women’s primary role as wife, mother and educator of their children; and unplanned pregnancies emerged as major themes from the qualitative phase. While the adat and Islam revival movements may have endorsed the ideals of the New Order state ideology, Javanese rituals regarded as violating Islam teachings were abandoned. Ignorance about safer sex and HIV and AIDS was also established. Interpretation of the results through the lens of complexity theory revealed that the national HIV and AIDS policy needs to encompass interventions for the general population, which would include comprehensive sex education in schools and media campaigns focusing on women. It was found that women’s vulnerability to HIV and their penchant for domesticity appear to be associated with their perceived primary role as wife and mother, as promoted by the adat-based New Order state ideology. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This study utilizes an ideological rhetorical analysis, applying Marxist and Feminist lenses, to artifacts from Kiwanis International, a prominent global service organization. These artifacts are: "The Permanent Objects of Kiwanis," guiding principles that were codified in 1924; "The Man Who Was God": a brief story about transforming from Kiwanis member to "Kiwanian," published in 1935 and 1985, respectively; and the 2012 "Join the Club" Membership Brochure. The rhetoric of discursive materials is one of the most salient representations of group ideology. In turn, ideology, particularly when it reflects and perpetuates social hegemony, has a normalizing effect on itself. Ideology shapes identity; identity shapes strategies to set process norms that create social cohesion. Norms of social cohesion become culture; culture reinforces ideology. When these components mirror social hegemony and replicate hegemonic power, they create institutions, like service organizations; these institutions then legitimate and normalize positions of social privilege. Ultimately, ideology and social hegemony reveal themselves through organizational and member practices and organizationally-produced discursive material. The purpose of this study is to analyze the historical, socio-political, and socio-cultural roots of Kiwanis International in order to draw logical conclusions about the organization's ideology for the purposes of understanding how that ideology contributes to, justifies, and perpetuates an unconscious, neo-colonial view of philanthropy. Kiwanis International, on an organizational (macro) level and at the club/member (micro) level, is structured around positions of racial, ethnic, socio-economic, linguistic, gender, and religious privilege, and so mimics the hegemonic power centers and dominant ideologies of society at large. In turn, the products and practices of the organization reflect these positions of privilege and inhibits the organization's ability to attract traditionally excluded, disenfranchised, or under-represented groups. Understanding that it is a contentious and futile to simply point where power relations exist and assert themselves, this study emphasizes where "othering" occurs in hopes of mitigating relations of domination and oppression between Kiwanis members and perspective members, and of moving forward the interests of those who have not traditionally been counted among Kiwanis' members but whose presence could save the organization.

What makes real life contractual arrangements? How does the law influence real life contractual arrangements? These are everyday questions for businesspeople and commercial lawyers. The traditional ‘imperative’ view of law assumes that business people contract ‘in the shadow of the law’ and contractual arrangements conform to what the law says. But empirical studies on contract practice suggest that contract law may, in fact, play a very insignificant role in real life contractual arrangements. This thesis provides a sociological view of the role of contract law in real life contractual arrangements in the context of the Vietnamese market. Specifically, this thesis applies an institutional law & economics approach to investigate how social structures of the market influence contractual arrangements to marginalize contract law in the Vietnamese market. Drawing on two surveys of contract behaviour in the Vietnamese market, this thesis finds that real life contractual arrangements respond to the institutional structure of the market as a whole, rather than only ‘the shadow of the law’. Institutional changes in the Vietnamese market suggest that there exists a merchant law system, constituted of traditional moral norms and social structures in the market. This merchant law system continues to order contractual arrangements in the market, despite the introduction of a transplanted contract law system. Disagreeing with the imperative approach, this thesis claims that contract law reform should conform to the institutional structure of the market to reduce transaction costs of contracting and to provide an effective framework for real life contractual arrangements.