This thesis research concerns women’s social entrepreneurship in Gaza Strip. Itsmain purpose is to provide a better understanding of how women socialentrepreneurs experience social entrepreneurship in Gaza Strip. Also, it digs deepinto their motives and challenges. The main methodological approach is thenarrative approach. Five women social entrepreneurs from Gaza Strip areinterviewed, and their full narratives are presented as empirical material so that theirvoices are heard and their fluctuating experiences are recognized. The narratives areanalyzed based on the three pillars of social entrepreneurship, social mission,sustainable profit, and social change. Also, the motives and challenges are analyzedbased on the socio-cultural and economic contexts of Gaza Strip. According to thisthesis research, family support and education are fundamental factors in enablingwomen’s social entrepreneurship in Gaza Strip. Also, women social entrepreneurschoose social entrepreneurship because they are inspired by their education, thedesire for personal development and recognition, and helping others through socialentrepreneurship. Moreover, their significant challenges are socio-cultural barriers,poor entrepreneurial education, lack of awareness, deteriorating economic situation,blockade, electricity outage, and favoritism. Finally, this thesis research fills someliterature gaps regarding the nexus between women social entrepreneurs in GazaStrip, patriarchal societies, and regions with conflicts and social entrepreneurship.Also, it highlights the importance of contextualizing women social entrepreneurs inresearch.

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Stockton is a city suffering from the sudden realization that it is no longer a small farm town, end that in the process of becoming a moderate-sized city, a community faces inevitable growing pains. The municipal recreation phase of city government well illustrates this fact. Because of the great need for expansion in this field, and because the city is now just beginning to rise to meet the occasion, a study of the Recreational Department and the program of the Metropolitan Recreation Commission in Stockton City Government and San Joaquin County, is a particularly interesting activity. In contrast to many theses which are based upon research in books and periodicals, this thesis has been the outgrowth of investigation based largely upon interviews with persons concerned with this phase of city government and upon personal observation, as well as reports and newspaper accounts of activities. As a resident of Stockton during much of the time covered in this report, as an attendant at periodic meetings of both the Junior Youth Council and the Stockton Youth Council, as a participant in some of the Recreation Department's activities, and as a former employee of a Stockton group work agency, the author has had to guard against subjective reporting in writing this paper. She has. attempted to record evaluations which she considered valid and to include facts and sources on which her opinions were based.

For this dissertation, I conduct an ethnography of three antitrafficking programs; interview 38 activists and survivors of trafficking; and analyze organizational texts, websites, and social media. I examine the history of the antitrafficking movement. Among the three organizations, activists provide housing; food, clothing, and hygiene items; medical services; mental health services and counseling; mentorship; education for survivors; a 24-hour hotline; outreach; case management and referrals; training for law enforcement; a drop-in center; and education and awareness events. I examine activists’ diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing of sex trafficking, and other framing tactics, such as frame alignment, frame diffusion, frame resonance, and cycles of protest. Activists within the three organizations connect sex trafficking to the Atlantic Slave Trade, referring to human trafficking as “modern-day slavery.” Activists also frame trafficking as happening in “our own backyards;” happening primarily to girls and women; and conflate sex work and sex trafficking. Activists believe that sex trafficking is caused by childhood sexual abuse, pornography and pornography addiction, and systems of oppression. I find that evangelical Christianity influences the organizations through services for survivors, training for staff and the public, the recruitment of staff and volunteers at church, and the practice of Christianity in front of and with survivors. I also find that evangelical activists employ language and strategies that cast them as white saviors seeking to ‘rescue’ survivors. There are several factors that have contributed to the success of the antitrafficking movement, such as increased political opportunities, resource mobilization, effective leadership, strategic use of grievances, and cultural context. Activists face several challenges in their work, namely lack of funding and resources, like housing. For the future, activists would like to see increased punishment of clients and traffickers; reductions in pornography and pornography addiction; increased education and awareness about trafficking; installation of survivors in leadership; and increased funding. I conclude by recommending that sex work and sex trafficking be distinguished in research, legislation, policies, and practice; rehabilitation of traffickers and clients; and make systematic changes to lessen the factors which contribute to trafficking.

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By the early 20th century, in 1920, Black farmers owned 14% of US farmland. Today, in the 21st century, Black farmers own less than 2% of US farmland. The demise of Black farmers and Black farmland in US Agriculture is a direct result of social, political, and racial weaponization against their foodways, culture, and livelihoods. The history concerning the plight of Black farmers goes beyond USDA's historical discrimination but enters a position where racism is embedded and perpetuated within the structure of US agriculture. In effect, Black small-scale farmers have reaped the downfall of this system, enduring racial biases and a complex relationship to the land for future generations. This dissertation examines and investigates the contemporary challenges associated with Mississippi’s small-scale Black farmers and their strategies that resist these challenges to create a self-sufficient agricultural system. Employing a qualitative approach using 31 semi-structured interviews and 4 focus groups discussions, in total of 87 persons, this research studies barriers and resilience strategies by amplifying the voices of small-scale Black farmers across Mississippi. This work draws from previous scholarship in institutional racism, colorblind racism, Black agrarianism, community based organizations, food sovereignty, and Black geographies. Findings indicate that racism still undermines Black farmers in agriculture. Still, they resist and combat these barriers by becoming powerful agents that bring catalyst change in the form of community togetherness and self-sufficiency.

During May of 2023, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis signed multiple bills into law, which included House Bill 1521, Senate Bill 1580, and Senate Bill 254. Critics have regarded these bills to directly discriminate against transgender individuals and negatively impact their quality of life. The main research question this project seeks to answer is what impact these bills have, if any, on transgender individuals who live in the state of Florida. This includes experiences that negatively impact quality of life outcomes and mental health disparities. An online survey of a small sample of the population that self identifies as transgender, that had lived in Florida for at least 1 month prior to and after the passing of the bills and were over 18 years old was used. Participants answered 2 sets of questions using a five-point Likert scale. One set asked about feelings and experiences prior to the passing of the bills, and the other after the passing of the bills, which included questions about mental health disparities seen commonly in transgender individuals such as depression, suicidal ideation and more. A comparison of the average Likert scale score prior to and after the passing of the bills showed a 10-20 percent increase in mental health disparities, and a large decrease in perceived ease of access to healthcare and satisfaction with state governmental support. Across the board, increases to negative mental health and quality of life outcomes were seen in our sample, which paints a troubling picture as to how these types of bills impact transgender quality of life and mental health outcomes.

Why do we defend the social conditions responsible for our injustice and exploitation? We are confused when disadvantaged women of color cite personal shortcomings rather than the social system as the source of their precarity. Yet, when social philosophers take up these questions by appealing to the concept of ideology, they turn to structural accounts and dismiss theories of false consciousness outright. Accounts of false consciousness, often understood as an epistemic failing to recognize some features of our inadequate social world, meet with a host of objections. Some argue that ascriptions of false consciousness involve authoritarianism, while others criticize the concept for commitments to an implausible correspondence picture of truth. Meanwhile, dismissal of false consciousness accounts of ideology have led to the neglect of an important feature of how ideology works: in and through our own agency. Without an account of false consciousness, critics fail to account for the fact that social structures are the result of our collective consent. They also fail to address how social structures are not analyzable without turning to the self-understandings of the participants in these very institutions. This dissertation addresses issues in ideology critique that account for our agency. By preserving what is still alive in a theory of false consciousness while addressing the long-standing concerns about authoritarianism and correspondence, this project reconstructs the notion of false consciousness. It closely engages with figures in critical social theory such as Marx, Lukacs, Habermas, Haslanger, Honneth, and Jaeggi, while widening the terms of the debate to consider the relevance, for instance, of object relations psychoanalysis for social philosophers. Beyond this, this dissertation shows that false consciousness is a damaged way of relating to ourselves, to each other, and to the social world. It is characterized, I propose, by affective investment. This move helps us clarify both the phenomenology of false consciousness and what a viable form of critique could look like. Psychoanalysis offers us a new way of understanding ideology critique by directing us beyond the model of critique as judgment as part of overcoming false consciousness.