Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-06-28T17:03:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Wesley Silva de Souza.pdf: 1592665 bytes, checksum: 1d65caf66adb4ba11b68d41cb7836d61 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-28T17:03:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Wesley Silva de Souza.pdf: 1592665 bytes, checksum: 1d65caf66adb4ba11b68d41cb7836d61 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-27 / The public administration has been undergoing transformations around the world to the extent that society has demanded more democratic actions of organizations and public managers. In this sense, the idea that the information under state custody are public and therefore should be available to all has broadened the debate on transparency and access to information. In 2011 it was created the Access to Information Act (LAI) Brazilian determining the Brazilian pubic organizations, at all levels, the development of the transparency of public information as an important guideline. The UFRRJ as a federal agency, is subject to the rule of law. IFES has just over 100 years and the obligation to provide information seems to be a challenge for UFRRJ and their managers who need to understand citizen as social control agent of the government. It is understood that structural, technological and institutional factors need to be rethought so that transparency is effective within the University from the LAI. Thus, this research aims to analyze the transparency practices at the Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro - UFRRJ - according to the perspectives of managers this IFES, from the implementation of the Access to Information Act. The theoretical framework of this research covers transparency in public administration, from the aspects of the right to information and access to information law in the Brazilian context, as well as the discussion of social control from the perspective of society on public administration, beyond the university management comprising the administrative process, the role of the inserted managers in organizational models of public administration. The results show challenges related to the bureaucratic structural, technological gap and academic centralization. It is concluded that increasing transparency in university organizations is achieved only partially with the creation of legislation. This because it involves an effort management which involves action on several other aspects such as training manager. It's a start, but it involves other elements inherent in the manager's position and IFES are complex organizations. / A administra??o p?blica vem passando por transforma??es em todo o mundo na medida em que a sociedade tem demandado a??es mais democr?ticas das organiza??es e gestores p?blicos. Neste sentido, a concep??o de que as informa??es sob a guarda do Estado s?o p?blicas e, portanto, devem estar dispon?veis a todos tem ampliado os debates sobre transpar?ncia e acesso ? informa??o. Em 2011 foi criada a Lei de Acesso ? Informa??o (LAI) brasileira que determina ?s organiza??es p?bicas brasileiras, em todas as esferas, o desenvolvimento da transpar?ncia de informa??es p?blicas como uma importante diretriz. A UFRRJ como uma autarquia federal, est? submetida ? norma da lei. A IFES possui pouco mais de 100 anos e a obrigatoriedade de prestar informa??o parece ser um desafio para UFRRJ e seus gestores que precisam compreender cidad?o como agente do controle social da administra??o p?blica. Entende-se que fatores estruturais, tecnol?gicos e institucionais precisam ser repensados para que a transpar?ncia seja efetiva no ?mbito da Universidade a partir da LAI. Deste modo, esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as pr?ticas de transpar?ncia na Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro ? UFRRJ ? segundo as perspectivas dos gestores desta IFES, a partir da implementa??o da Lei de Acesso ? Informa??o. O referencial te?rico desta pesquisa abrange a transpar?ncia na administra??o p?blica, a partir dos aspectos do direito ? informa??o e da lei de acesso ? informa??o no contexto brasileiro, assim como, a discuss?o sobre controle social a partir da perspectiva da sociedade sobre a administra??o p?blica, al?m da gest?o universit?ria compreendendo o processo administrativo, o papel dos gestores inserido nos modelos organizacionais de administra??o p?blica. Os resultados apontam desafios relacionados ?s estruturais burocr?ticas, defasagem tecnol?gica e a centraliza??o acad?mica. Conclui-se que a amplia??o da transpar?ncia em organiza??es universit?rias ? alcan?ada parcialmente apenas com a cria??o da legisla??o. Isto porque envolve um esfor?o de gest?o que implica a??o sobre diversos outros aspectos tais como a qualifica??o do gestor. ? um come?o, mas envolve outros elementos inerentes ? postura do gestor e as IFES que s?o organiza??es complexas.

Considerando que no Brasil a radiodifusão é um serviço público do Estado executado por terceiros através de autorizações ou concessões, o rádio - reconhecidamente o mais acessível e popular dos meios de comunicação ainda não se percebe e nem é percebido como importante aliado das políticas públicas. Entretanto, ao dar face humana a essas emissoras, verifica-se que muitos radialistas vêm desempenhando um importante papel social e transformador da realidade em seus territórios locais. Dados recolhidos junto a 155 radialistas de 142 emissoras de diferentes naturezas e expressões sobre a formação que buscaram - e ainda buscam - para o exercício de suas atividades cotidianas, permitem uma reflexão crítica acerca da possível ressignificação do veículo a partir da conscientização de seus comunicadores para o papel educativo que ambos têm a desempenhar no almejado protagonismo cidadão. / Considering that in Brazil broadcasting is a State public service performed by third parties through authorizations or concessions, radio broadcast - by far the most accessible and popular media of public communication still does not recognize itself and is not recognized as an important ally of the public politics. However, upon giving human face to those radio stations, it is possible to understand that some radio announcers have developed an important social role, as transformers of the reality in their local areas. Accounts from 155 radio announcers from 142 radio stations with diverse natures and expressions about their circunstances and what kind of formative role they sought - and still seek - for the exercise of its activities, allows a critical reflection about the possible re-signification of the radio in the field of social empowerment, including the possibility of understanding the founding source that Education and formation must perform in the long-sought active citizenship.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-05-18T15:45:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 elizabethvallebotti.pdf: 722506 bytes, checksum: 0c0579d6b119fb986b7382a190d5ed78 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-01T18:50:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 elizabethvallebotti.pdf: 722506 bytes, checksum: 0c0579d6b119fb986b7382a190d5ed78 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-01T18:50:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 elizabethvallebotti.pdf: 722506 bytes, checksum: 0c0579d6b119fb986b7382a190d5ed78 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-27 / É fato o vertiginoso crescimento das taxas de criminalidade e da população carcerária no ocidente nas últimas três décadas, população essa eminentemente pobre. Da mesma forma observa-se o aumento e a especialização dos contingentes policiais, a disseminação e a sofisticação de mecanismos de vigilância, a ampliação dos poderes dos órgãos de controle social, além do desenvolvimento e da adoção de instrumentos, tecnologias e saberes científicos que procedam a avaliações e exames técnicos de criminosos. Dos estudos que buscam entender essa realidade dois conceitos se destacam especialmente, o de “cultura do controle”, de David Garland (2004); e o de “governo através do crime”, de Jonathan Simon (2007), esse último conjugando os conceitos de biopolítica e de “governamentalidade”, de Michel Foucault (1992, 1979). Tomando esse arcabouço teórico como referência para pensar o modelo brasileiro de tratamento da criminalidade e do criminoso, e considerando que uma das formas de vigilância e controle social na contemporaneidade se dá através da punição dos criminosos tidos como perigosos para o convívio social, por força de transtornos mentais ou de comportamento - avaliação a cargo do psiquiatra forense -, a presente pesquisa dá visibilidade ao discurso psiquiátrico presente em laudos oriundos de exames de sanidade mental, dependência toxicológica e de verificação de periculosidade produzidos em processos criminais. Sugere-se que a psiquiatria, ao identificar o indivíduo perigoso repete o padrão do encarceramento em geral, o fazendo sustentada em argumentação de cunho eminentemente subjetivo e incompatível com os avanços técnico-científicos que apregoa, inclusive o da antipsiquiatria ou reforma psiquiátrica, mostrando-se de fácil adequação tanto a um contexto de controle social rígido, quanto a uma proposta de governamentalidade através do crime. / In the past three decades, the huge growth in crime rates and prison population -- this predominantly a poor one -- in the West is indisputable. Likewise there is an increase and specialization of police contingents, the espread and sophistication of surveillance mechanisms, expanding the powers of social control, and the development and adoption of tools, technologies and scientific knowledge to undertake assessments and technical examinations of criminals. Among the studies seeking to understand this reality, two concepts stand out especially: the "culture of control" by David Garland (2004), and the "government through crime", by Jonathan Simon (2007). The latter combines the Michel Foucault´s (1992, 1979) concepts of biopolitics and governmentality. Taking this theoretical framework as a reference for thinking about the Brazilian model of treatment of crime and criminal, and considering that one of the forms of surveillance and social control in contemporary society is undertaken through the punishment of offenders regarded as dangerous to the social environment, by virtue of mental or behavioral - evaluation of forensic psychiatrist in charge - this research gives visibility to this psychiatric discourse in findings from examinations of mental health, addiction and verification of dangerousness made in criminal cases. It is suggested that psychiatry, to identify the dangerous individual repeats the pattern of incarceration in general, in making sustained argument eminently subjective and inconsistent with the technical-scientific advances that proclaims, include the psychiatric reformation, the being both an easy adaptation to an environment of tough social control and a proposal of governmentality through crime.

Submitted by Agatha Justen Gonçalves Ribeiro (agatha_justen@hotmail.com) on 2012-05-11T20:37:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 AGATHA DISSERTAÇÃO.pdf: 1251055 bytes, checksum: 774b430fc183e1a25853ecc9e34d8dd5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁURA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2012-06-14T13:39:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 AGATHA DISSERTAÇÃO.pdf: 1251055 bytes, checksum: 774b430fc183e1a25853ecc9e34d8dd5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-06-15T12:25:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 AGATHA DISSERTAÇÃO.pdf: 1251055 bytes, checksum: 774b430fc183e1a25853ecc9e34d8dd5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-06-15T12:25:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AGATHA DISSERTAÇÃO.pdf: 1251055 bytes, checksum: 774b430fc183e1a25853ecc9e34d8dd5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-21 / This paper examines the exercise of social control in Brazil, from the more general context that prompted him, as well as the internal context that led to the creation of institutionalized spaces for your application. Through joint studies by other researchers in Public Policy Management Councils in the three levels of government - local, state and federal - and empirical study, we found that the way the exercise of social control happens in practice, much moves away from what the law provides. Taking, then based on the existing difficulties in the development of social control, the authors sought to interpreters in Brazil, and the theories about the origin and functions of the modern state, possible explanations for this fact. Thus, it is considered that barriers to the development of social control in Brazil if one parties related to characteristics specific to the country, the other is due to the historical dynamics of the capitalist system. / Este trabalho analisa o exercício do controle social no Brasil, a partir do contexto mais geral que o estimulou, bem como do contexto interno que culminou na criação de espaços institucionalizados para a sua aplicação. Por meio da junção de estudos realizados por outros pesquisadores em Conselhos Gestores de Políticas Públicas nos três níveis governamentais – municipal, estadual e federal – e de estudo empírico, constatou-se que a forma como o exercício do controle social acontece na prática, em muito se distancia daquilo que prevê a lei. Tomando, então como base as dificuldades existentes no desenvolvimento do controle social, buscou-se em autores intérpretes do Brasil, e nas teorias sobre a origem e as funções do Estado moderno, possíveis explicações para este fato. Desta forma, considera-se que os entraves ao desenvolvimento do controle social no Brasil, se por um lado tem relação com características específicas ao país, por outro se deve à própria dinâmica histórica do sistema capitalista.

Orientador: Maria da Gloria Gohn / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-03T20:51:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Traldi_MariaCristina_D.pdf: 11218015 bytes, checksum: e0d8a061e5d5052ed61473d7003e4972 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003 / Resumo: A política de contratação de organizações do terceiro setor para executar serviços de saúde é parte da reforma do Estado, instituída no Brasil no final dos anos 90 e é analisada neste estudo a partir das novas formulações do conceito de sociedade civil. O modelo de gestão terceirizada de serviços não é uma medida isolada e segue uma tendência neoliberal adotada nos países centrais desde a década de 70, como estratégia de redução de gastos e focalização de recursos nas áreas sociais. O enfoque adotado na análise deste estudo foi o da reflexão sobre o risco de retrocesso que esse modelo de gestão pode acarretar à implementação do SUS caso não seja garantida a transparência nos processos de contratação das OS(s) e a regulação por parte da sociedade civil. Dessa forma, o objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi analisar as perspectivas de controle social sobre a ação do Estado e seus parceiros, quando este coloca em prática a política de contratação de Organizações Sociais para executar serviços de saúde, atividade que até então era considerada de sua competência exclusiva. Optou-se pela realização de uma pesquisa exploratória de natureza qualitativa sobre as parcerias realizadas no estado de São Paulo, entre os anos de 1998 e 2002, buscando identificar os mecanismos de participação dos Conselhos de Saúde no processo de qualificação e contratação das OS(s). A pesquisa de campo ocorreu de Julho de 2002 a Agosto de 2003, e os instrumentos utilizados foram entrevistas e um questionário enviado aos catorze hospitais públicos terceirizados no período. A principal conclusão da investigação é a que as parcerias com entidades do terceiro setor para a produção de serviços de saúde ampliam a esfera pública, mas essa ampliação não se dá na perspectiva da nova concepção de sociedade civil porque a incorporação dessas entidades, via de regra, não passa pela disputa democrática nos espaços públicos de debate. Devido à tendência de privatização do patrimônio público, há necessidade de intensificar o controle social, particularmente aquele realizado pelos Conselhos de Saúde. O controle social nas parcerias mostrou-se incipiente e direcionado à fiscalização dos serviços prestados, pois o processo de qualificação das OS( s) e a definição das entidades parceiras do Estado são centralizados no Poder Executivo. A constatação da participação do CES na definição de políticas de saúde nesta investigação é considerada como elemento positivo e um registro de avanço no desempenho das funções desse órgão / Abstract: The third sector' s politics of organizations hiring for the execution of health services is part of the State's reform that was instituted at the end of the 90's by the brazilian government and is analyzed in this study under the new formularizations of the civil society's concept. The outsourced management model is not an isolated policy, but follows a neoliberal trend adopted in the central countries since the 10" s as an expenses retention strategy and resource focus on social areas. The ana1ysis' approach was the reflection on the retrocession risk that this model of management can cause to the implementation of the SUS in case the transparency in the processes of the OS(s)' hiring and the regulation on civil society's part is not guaranteed. This research's general objective was to ana1yze the perspectives of social control over the action of the State and its partners, when it practices the politics of Social Organizations' hiring to execute health services, an activity that until then was considered a State's exclusivity. It was opted to the accomplishment of an exploratory research of qualitative nature on the partnerships carried through between the period of 1998 and 2002, in the State of São Paulo, in order to identify the Health Counsels' participation mechanisms in the process of qualification and hiring of the OS(s). The field research occurred during the months of July of 2002 until August of 2003, and the used instruments were: interviews and a questionnaire sent to fourteen outsourced public hospitals in the period. The main conclusion of the inquiry is that the partnerships with entities of the third sector for the production of hea1th services extend the public sphere, but, this expansion is not given in the perspective of civil society' s new conception because the incorporation of these entities, usually, is not given through the democratic dispute in the public spaces of debate. Due to the trend of the common wealth privatization, there is a necessity to intensify the social control, basica11y the one carried through by the Health Counsels. The social control in the partnerships proved itself budding and directed to the fiscalization of the given services, because the OS( s )'s process of qualification and the definition of the State's partner entities are centered in the Executive Power. The CES's participation in the definition of health politics in this inquiry is considered as a positive element and a register of advance in this agency's performance / Doutorado / Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura / Doutor em Educação

Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-11-30T14:53:00Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Michele Siqueira de Azambuja Neves_Dissertacao.pdf: 2759520 bytes, checksum: 15ff70a452984f5e67c00fbd8d35a23d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-30T14:53:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Michele Siqueira de Azambuja Neves_Dissertacao.pdf: 2759520 bytes, checksum: 15ff70a452984f5e67c00fbd8d35a23d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-03 / Sem bolsa / O presente trabalho tem como foco a análise do surgimento de um novo mecanismo institucional, o Observatório de Auditoria (ObservA) da Universidade Federal de Pelotas (UFPel), e sua relação com a implantação da política de Controle Social Brasileira. O ObservA é apresentado pela UFPel como um espaço para o exercício da cidadania, com objetivos de contribuir para a melhoria da gestão pública ao assumir as diretrizes nacionais da política de controle social e funciona como um instrumento de accountability, por meio do qual cada integrante da comunidade acadêmica possa exercer o seu direito de ver bem aplicados os recursos públicos do Estado, neste caso, da Universidade e de atuar como agente indutor de mudança institucional. O problema posto é qual a relação entre polity e policy propiciada pelo novo mecanismo institucional? Tal questão conduz ao objetivo de identificar o contexto de criação, as características, o objetivo e a função desse novo mecanismo institucional, ObservA, em sua relação com a policy, ou seja, política pública de controle social no Brasil. A hipótese levantada é de que enquanto instituição promotora de accountabillity, o ObservA, se constitui como uma peça de participação democrática importante na construção da política pública de controle social brasileira. A metodologia adotada é a qualitativa e o método recai sobre o estudo de caso, adotando as técnicas de análise documental e a observação participante. Assim, adotando a abordagem de estudos políticos e o neo-institucionalismo como modelo de análise este trabalho conclui que a construção institucional de leis, como a Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal (Lei Complementar nº 101/2000), a Lei de Transparência (Lei Complementar nº 131/2009) e a Lei de Acesso à Informação (Lei nº 12.527/2011), as políticas de governo eletrônico (e-gov) e suas circunstâncias, são pressupostos importantes para a implantação de uma política de controle social no Brasil formando em conjunto instituições basilares para a criação de novas insitituições, como o ObsevA, que permitam a efetividade de uma política de controle social democrática participativa em âmbito local ou em setores periféricos do Estado brasileiro. / The presente work focus on the analyses of the appearance of a new institutional mechanism, the Audit Observatory (ObservA) of the Federal University of Pelotas (UFPel), and the respective relationship with the implantation of brazilian social control politic. The ObservA is presented by UFPel as a space to citizenship exercise, intending to improve the public management to assume the national direction of the control social politics and work like an accountability instrument through each integrant of academic community can exercise his right to see well applied the State public resources, in this case, of the University to act like a inductor agent of institutional change. The post problem: what is the relationship between polity and policy propitiated by the new institutional mechanism? This question conduct to the objective of identify the creation context, the caractheristics, the purpose and the function of that mechanism, ObservA, in his relationship with policy – social control of brazilian public politics. The hypothesis brought, in the condition of accountability promoter institutional, is that the ObservA constitutes an important democratic participation piece in the construction of social control of brazilian public politics. The methodology adopted is the qualitative and the method falls on the case study, using the documental analyses technics and the participant’s observation. Therefore, adopting the approach of politics studies and the new institutionalism like a model of analyses, this work conclude that the law’s institutional construction, Fiscal Responsibility Law (Lei Complementar nº 101/2000), Transparency Law (Lei Complementar nº 131/2009) and the Information Access Law (Lei nº 12.527/2011) and the electronic government politics (e-gov) and its circumstances are important requirements to the implantation of a social control politic in Brazil, forming pillars in order to create new institutions, like ObservA, which permit the effectiveness of a participative democratic social control politic in local ambit or in peripheral sectors of brazilian State.

Upon assuming the presidency of the Republic of Korea in 2013, Park Geun-hye announced her administration’s priority to address the country’s “Four Social Evils”—sexual violence, domestic violence, school bullying, and unsafe food products. As part of this initiative, the ROK national government urged police officers to implement anti-bullying campaigns and curb school violence. This study examined the effects of Stand By Me: Bullying Prevention and Bystander Empowerment, an anti-bullying presentation conducted by a ROK police officer for an audience of South Korean high school students in spring 2016. The study employed a nonequivalent groups design with a designated treatment group and comparison group, but was limited to a posttest survey only. The focus of the study was whether a police-administered bullying prevention presentation had an effect on Korean high school students’ attitudes toward bullying and their willingness to intervene to stop bullying, and was examined using independent-samples t tests and Mann-Whitney U tests. The relationship between moral approval of bullying and bystander intervention willingness was also examined, as well as the relationships between other key variables and bystander intervention willingness. These relationships were examined via regression analysis. The study yielded statistically significant findings indicating that students who were administered the Stand By Me presentation were less likely to support bullying and more likely to be willing to intervene in bullying incidents compared to students who did not participate in the presentation. Moral approval of bullying had only a minor impact on bystander intervention willingness, whereas perceived peer support, self-esteem, and informal social control had a greater influence on students’ inclination to intervene. Due to the limited scope of this project, it is recommended that future studies and evaluations conducted on Stand By Me and other anti-bullying programs in South Korea utilize more rigorous research designs that incorporate pretesting and random assignment. Nevertheless, given the paucity of empirical research on police anti-bullying initiatives in the ROK, one of the overarching goals of this study is to encourage further dialogue on preventing bullying, one of the endemic ‘social evils’ plaguing today’s youth, in South Korea and around the world, and the appropriate role of law enforcement in this arena.

Communitarianism and harmony ideology have their proponents and critics, particularly as viewed through the lens of conciliation-based dispute resolution. Both features being prominent in the Tibetan Diaspora in India, I hypothesized that the strengths and weaknesses of these orientations could be assessed through the rationale behind the norms of social control operative in the community, and the efficiency and effectiveness of those norms in terms of voluntary compliance. I found that the informal Tibetan mechanisms for dispute resolution were effective and efficient in supporting Indian systems of law enforcement, while allowing a ritualistic affirmation of community. Contrary to proponents of legal centralism and court justice, I found that liberalist values underpinning litigative process were disruptive of social expectations, and had the potential to exacerbate rather than relieve social tensions. The harmony norms that predispose pro-social behavior within Tibetan settlements failed to protect the interests of community members, however, when the challenge came from local Indian groups operating on the basis of their own standards of particularistic allegiance. Legal ethnography best describes the methodology used for this research. Fieldwork drew on: 1) Interviews with twelve settlement officers whose mandate specifically includes mediation of disputes; 2) In-depth interviews with two disputants fighting cases before the Tibetan Supreme Justice Commission; and 3) Interviews with over 70 informants (including senior and mid-level exile government officials and settlement residents), together with archival material, to situate findings and verify interpretations. This research contributes a unique non-Western body of data in support of Law and Society scholars, such as Amitai Etzioni and Phillip Selznick, who have argued for devolution of law-like responsibilities to local levels where internalized norms are an everyday means of social control. It also argues against the pejorative interpretation of harmony ideology as depicted by legal centralists such as Laura Nader. By reframing harmony as a function of norm rationale, efficiency and effectiveness, the research offers new variables for assessing the costs and benefits of community. Finally, the Tibetan case studies provide an important comparative for cosmopolitan states that are debating how to accommodate diversity and legal pluralism. / Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies / Graduate

The practice and popularity of restorative justice (RJ) in education has been growing in recent years. There is, however, no universal understanding of RJ and its objectives. RJ can be understood in dramatically different ways by those implementing it: as an approach that challenges taken-for-granted structures and systems of discipline and control in schools; or as simply another tool that emphasizes compliance and punishment. Little research has been conducted that makes these differences explicit, and what the impact these different understandings of RJ might have on students. This multi-site case study examined how RJ was applied, how it was understood and what its intended objectives were in two schools, set in different contexts – Scotland and Canada. Although data was collected from teachers and principals to understand the context, my primary focus was on the students, those whom RJ was most intended to affect. Through questionnaires, observations, learning circles and engaging students as co-researchers, this study situates the student experience of RJ within particular school, regional and national contexts. The study finds that RJ in schools is a window into what is most fundamental to students: relationships. Viewing relationships through the window of RJ reveals both their centrality to students and their character of being of social control or social engagement. The study argues that RJ, by itself, does not guarantee certain qualities of relationship, but it does allow us to examine those qualities and ask questions of how school relationships are used to engage and/or control.

Impulsionados por mudanças na legislação e pelo contexto de favorecimento de medidas de publicidade, vários órgãos governamentais vêm ampliando o leque de informações divulgadas nos seus portais de transparência. Entretanto, esse movimento não é uniforme certos órgãos têm tendência maior de serem mais transparentes que outros. Este trabalho sugere a montagem de um modelo de avaliação desses portais em relação à variedade, qualidade e acessibilidade das informações públicas cuja divulgação é exigida por lei e aplica-­o nos sites da Prefeitura de São Paulo, da Câmara Municipal e do Tribunal de Contas do Município. Foi verificada uma diferença significa na avaliação dos portais entre 2008 e 2013, também desigual de acordo com o órgão. Entrevistas com funcionários dos três órgãos indicam que fatores institucionais específicos como a accountability vertical, a receptividade em relação ao escrutínio público e a fiscalização por órgãos de controle são essenciais para entender a diferença nos estímulos para se ampliar a transparência governamental. / Pushed by legislation changes and by a general context more favorable to government publicity, several public institutions have been adopting broader transparency measures and publishing more data in their websites. However, this movement has not been uniform some departments seems to be more transparent then others. This piece suggests a model for evaluating those transparency sites based on the variety, quality and accessibility of the public information that is required to be published by federal law. After that, this model is applied to the sites of the São Paulo municipality, House of Councilmen and the municipal Accounting Tribunal. The result shows that there has been a relevant difference in the websites evaluation from 2008 to 2013, that also varies among the departments. Interviews with managers and former workers of those institutions show that institutional factors such as the vertical accountability, the receptivity of public criticism and the investigation of external control departments are essential to understand the difference in the incentives for greatening government transparency.