This research comprised a secondary study using the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health restricted data set to examine the buffering effects of religiosity on adolescent alcohol coping following victimization within the context of Agnew's general stain theory. Its purpose was to determine if religiosity buffered the effects of alcohol abuse coping following victimization for native-born and foreign-born non-Hispanic adolescents, and was designed as a follow-up research study to similarly replicate a prior study limited to native-born and foreign-born Hispanic adolescents. This study's findings were consistent with prior research that higher religiosity was generally predictive of lower levels of alcohol abuse. However, in the presence of violent victimization, religiosity did not buffer later increased alcohol abuse coping for non-Hispanic adolescents. Native-born religiously oriented adolescents were as likely to abuse alcohol following violent victimization as their native-born non-religious peers. Foreign-born religiously oriented versus non-religiously-oriented adolescents did not have statistically significant different outcomes on later alcohol abuse following victimization. Foreign-born non-Hispanic adolescents as a group appeared generally insensitive to victimization strain as measured by alcohol abuse coping. An important outcome of this study was the collateral finding that being Catholic substantially increased the likelihood of later alcohol abuse for both native-born and foreign-born non-Hispanic adolescents; the increase in alcohol abuse for foreign-born adolescents was especially pronounced. The study's findings have particular relevance for adolescent counseling and others working with adolescents, and especially for those working within a religious context. Numerous areas for additional research are identified and discussed.

The #noDAPL movement was an Indigenous-led environmental social movement occurring between 2015 and 2017, in which the Standing Rock Sioux and other American Indian tribes comprising the Oceti Sakowin garnered support to oppose the 1,172-mile Dakota Access Pipeline. Pipeline opponents agreed that the pipeline's construction posed a threat to the health and safety of tribal members and other residents of the area and that the pipeline's path crossed previously-designated tribal treaty boundaries, compromising tribal sovereignty. In this body of work, I utilize Facebook data from the Sacred Stone Camp Facebook page to locate and identify collective action frames and core framing tasks, adhering to social movement framing theory. Further, I provide insight into the movement's most used collective action frames and how their use enabled to movement to maintain occupation at protest camps along the Missouri River, garner resources from participants and gain international social support. I also draw on concepts of pan-Indianism and supratribalism to discuss indigenous collective identity, as well as concepts like relational values and Indigenous traditional knowledge to better assess the nuances of Indigenous environmental activism and how this movement evoked discussions of modern day settler colonialism.

Affirmative action policies have been a popular topic in U.S. media since their inception in the Civil Rights Act 1964. Previous studies note that race, gender, and political identity are known influencers of support for affirmative action policies; however, this dissertation analyzes the mediating effects of perceived experiences of discrimination in the workplace on a person's level of support for the preferential hiring and promotion of Black Americans based on the intersection of the race, gender, and political identity. Through social dominance theory (SDT), this dissertation highlights the motivations people may have in support or opposition of affirmative action, especially for Black Americans. Due to the historical lineage of African Americans in the U.S., stereotypes about Black people's work ethic have continued to be mostly negative-which inform hiring, promotion, and admission procedures today. Using the General Social Survey (GSS) to conduct regression and mediation analysis, this dissertation found significant support for mediation of perceived experiences to increase support for affirmative action among white females, and Black people regardless of gender or political identity. While race and gender discrimination were thought to be the most influencing forms of discrimination experienced, age discrimination showed to transcend racial, gender, and political barriers. Accordingly, appealing to experiences of age discrimination may be a helpful approach to closing the implementation gap of those who voice support for equality yet constantly vote in support of inequality.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Mark P. Parillo / ABSTRACT Historians of the integration of the American military and African American military participation have argued that the post-World War II period was the critical period for the integration of the U.S. Navy. This dissertation argues that World War II was “the” critical period for the integration of the Navy because, in addition to forcing the Navy to change its racial policy, the war altered the Navy’s attitudes towards its African American personnel. African Americans have a long history in the U.S. Navy. In the period between the French and Indian War and the Civil War, African Americans served in the Navy because whites would not. This is especially true of the peacetime service, where conditions, pay, and discipline dissuaded most whites from enlisting. During the Civil War, a substantial number of escaped slaves and other African Americans served. Reliance on racially integrated crews survived beyond the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, only to succumb to the principle of “separate but equal,” validated by the Supreme Court in the Plessy case (1896). As racial segregation took hold and the era of “Jim Crow” began, the Navy separated the races, a task completed by the time America entered World War I. The Navy paid the price in lost efficiency to maintain the policy. After the war, the Navy chose to accept African Americans solely for duty as messmen and stewards. Matters changed in World War II. The Navy eventually lifted its restrictions on African American enlistment and promotions, commissioned its first African American officers, and finally committed itself to a program of integration. The increased interaction between whites and African Americans had also led to white officers and policymakers re-assessing the value of African American sailors, a crucial sine qua non for the actualization of integration in the postwar years.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Family Studies and Human Services / Farrell J. Webb / The purpose of this study is to examine the affects of hegemonic influences on race and ethnicity among American families. An underlying premise of the investigation is that intra-familial socialization (what one is taught at home) and how external interaction (i.e., social environment) affects the perceptions of racial, ethnic American identity. That is, how does what is taught at home and what is absorbed in our social environments influence how we feel about being American. An overlay of generational effects, race, and gender are examined. Data were extracted from the National Opinion Research Center, General Social Surveys (GSS), for the year 2004. The final sub-sample used for this investigation consisted of approximately 1300 adults. Using theoretical constructs from generational effects, social exchange, and social integrationist approaches, an effort was made to identify what factors had the most influences on how families respond to hegemonic influence when group membership is controlled for in a series of correlations, Exploratory Factor Analyses, and Structure Equation Models (SEM) using Analysis of Moment Structures (AMOS). The results revealed that there were differences associated within and among generation, and racial/ ethnic populations, and gender.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Family Studies and Human Services / Walter R. Schumm / Farrell J. Webb / Previous research on the transition to parenthood has focused predominantly on middle-class White married mothers. The present research expands upon this literature by evaluating the transition of non-married, low-income, White and Women of color experiences as new mothers in their transition to parenthood. This investigation uses the Fragile Families Child Wellbeing Study. Data from 1,195 first time mothers were examined. Baseline data on mothers, as well as one-year follow-up data, were used to evaluate the New Mothers’ Relationship Satisfaction Model. This model was developed as a response to the current literature and theory as it related to low-income, people of color, and single never married women who have been overlooked or ignored in the literature. The New Mothers’ Relationship Satisfaction Model examines the effects of expectation fulfillment, father’s behavior, experience of motherhood and family support on mothers’ relationship satisfaction. The model was then used to evaluate different groups of mothers based on their race/ethnicity and then their relationship status. Findings indicated race/ethnicity and relationship status differences among several of the constructs in the New Mothers’ Relationship Satisfaction Model. For some women the experience of motherhood and father’s behavior did not have a significant effect of their relationship satisfaction as predicted by the current literature. This investigation takes the first step in providing a comparison group of new mothers that have been overlooked by much of the research in this area. This research underscores the importance of differences that exist in mothers’ transition to parenthood and points to a need for further research with more diverse populations. Social scientists interested in the transition to parenthood must focus their research and theory on a more diverse population of new mothers in order to fully understand and give meaning to this experience.

Master of Science / Department of Journalism and Mass Communications / Louise Benjamin / This study examines women’s interpretations of model minority stereotypes of Asian American women in prime-time television. This stereotype depicts Asian Americans as well educated, intelligent, competitive, hardworking and successful career women. Using focus group discussions, this study recalls perceptions and explores potential effects of model minority stereotypes in prime-time television among women of varied racial-ethnic backgrounds. The study finds that both Asian/Asian American women and women from other racial-ethnic groups confirm belief in the model minority media stereotype in prime-time television. The selfperception and others’ perception of Asian American women as a model minority imposes stress on Asian/Asian American women in terms of gender role, academic performance and career achievement. Additionally, perceptions toward the model minority media stereotype among women of varied racial-ethnic backgrounds influence intergroup relations, interracial contact and evaluation of the model minority media image. Implications indicate that the model minority media stereotype has both positive and negative influences on Asian/Asian American women and other racial-ethnic groups. The study suggests that American media can increase the frequency and diversity of Asian American women’s media representation to reduce the negative societal influence of one-dimensional media stereotypes.

Ce mémoire porte sur les jeunes issus de l’immigration haïtienne à Montréal. Il propose une analyse qualitative des propos recueillis sur les trajectoires sociales de ces jeunes fondée sur l’approche sociologique constructiviste des relations ethniques. L’analyse comparative des expériences vécues par les jeunes femmes et les jeunes hommes tant dans le milieu scolaire, sur le lieu de travail, en matière de logement, de ressources économiques que dans leurs rapports avec les jeunes Montréalais canadien-français, a permis d’observer un effet de genre en matière d’intégration et de vision de la société. Les résultats de cette étude suggèrent que le parcours des jeunes femmes témoigne d’une intégration sociale plus réussie que celui des jeunes hommes. Ces derniers qui, au cours de leurs trajectoires sociales, rapportent avoir vécu des expériences racistes, s’identifient moins comme Québécois et développent de moins bonnes relations d’amitié avec les jeunes Québécois canadien-français que ne le font les jeunes femmes ayant vécu les expériences similaires. Ce qui semble expliquer un sentiment d’insatisfaction et des propos peu flatteurs dans les discours des jeunes hommes envers la société québécoise. / This thesis focuses on young Haitian immigrants in Montreal. It offers a qualitative analysis of information collected on their social trajectories based on a sociological constructivist approach of ethnic relations. When comparing the experiences of young women and men in areas such as schools, workplace, housing, economic resources as well as in their relationships with the young French-Canadian Montrealer, one could observe an effect of gender from a perspective of integration and vision of the society. The results of this study suggest that the course of young women reflects a social integration more successful than young men. These young males, whom in their social trajectories have reported facing racist experiences, identify themselves less as Quebecers and develop poor relationships with young French-Canadian Quebecers than do young women who lived similar experiences. This seems to explain a feeling of dissatisfaction and unflattering remarks in young men’s speeches towards Quebec society.

Cette étude explore le rôle occupé par la figure du Métis, en tant que symbole fondateur du nationalisme Mexicaine de la période postrévolutionnaire (1921 – 1945). La recherche s’organise en fonction de trois pôles : 1) les discours littéraires autour du Métissage et leur intégration à la sphère du discours politique, 2) La position et le rôle joué par les intellectuels et scientifiques d’État dans le processus de création, importation, nationalisation et adaptation d’un appareil des savoirs qui positionnait le Métis comme modèle de la citoyenneté mexicaine et 3) L’ensemble des moyens techniques visant au métissage (plus culturel que phénotypique) de la population en tant qu’ensemble d’êtres vivants (ce que Michel Foucault appelle le biopouvoir). Finalement, notre recherche vise à démontrer comment la démographie et les politiques de santé publique de l’époque ont servi à façonner l’idée d’une nation mexicaine peuplée par une population Métisse. Or, ce Métis était moins un phénotype particulier que l’amalgame d’une série de coutumes et des traits culturels spécifiques et associés à l’idée de la modernité et du progrès. Ainsi, à la différence du « Métis » tel que perçu par les théories postcoloniales, le « Métis » du nationalisme mexicain visait à homogénéiser la population et non pas a célébrer sa diversité. / The aim of this study is to explore the role played by the Mestizo as a central figure of the nation building process in post-revolutionary Mexico (between 1921 and 1945). Our approach is threefold: firstly, It synthesises the evolution and changes in the literary construction of the Mestizo (which evolved from an undesired but unavoidable consequence of colonisation into the ideal of a new, homogeneous and distinctive national population), and the concomitant integration of this ideas into political discourse. Secondly, it explores the role played by the State’s intellectuals and scientists in the creation of a body of knowledge that legitimated the Mestizo as a convenient symbol of Mexican citizenship. Finally, it studies the ways in which these discourses crystallized in a series of technologies aiming at the construction of the Mexican mestizo population. The technologies studied here are, following the notion of biopolitics as developed by Michel Foucault, the production of official statistics and the creation of public health policies and institutions aimed at creating the notion and specific characteristics of the average Mexican (which were more focused on the cultural than in the phonotypical aspects). In defining what was a Mexican supposed to be, the nationalist project was also pushing out of the limits of the us those individuals who refused or were not able to comply with the definition of a Mestizo.

À travers l’étude du cas de Salwa, féministe musulmane engagée au Québec, ce mémoire a pour objectif de relever divers facteurs qui contraignent et orientent l’engagement politique d’une féministe musulmane en contexte occidental. Si nous avions au départ postulé que l’intersection de ses identités de « femme » et de « musulman(e) », deux catégories hiérarchiques1 qui nous semblaient alors centrales dans l’élaboration de notre problématique, entraînerait chez Salwa divers paradoxes politiques en raison des tensions existant entre le féminisme et le multiculturalisme dans les démocraties occidentales, l’analyse de la gestion identitaire de ces paradoxes politiques chez Salwa, par notre approche interdisciplinaire et intersectionnelle, a révélé l’existence d’une multitude d’identités non hiérarchiques revendiquées - mais occultées au niveau politique par ce même contexte – qui remet en question la centralité de ces catégories de « femme » et de « musulman(e) ». Ainsi, si nous croyions que le contexte énoncé pouvait orienter l’engagement politique des féministes musulmanes dans un sens réducteur en exigeant d’elles qu’elle priorisent, malgré leur identité de femme et de musulmane, un axe de lutte, entre le sexisme et le racisme, nous voyons qu’une prise en compte, même intersectionnelle, des seuls axes d’oppression interagissant dans la construction de l’identité politique d’un individu peut être tout aussi réductrice. Si l’approche intersectionnelle veut arriver à 1 Nous qualifions ces catégories de « hiérarchiques » en ce qu’elles sont présentées dans notre problématique comme des catégories relationnelles co-construites au sein de rapports sociaux inégalitaires dans un ordre social hiérarchique, en opposition à des catégories « non hiérarchiques » que la théorie et/ou l’empirie ne problématise(nt) pas comme hiérarchiques pour le cas spécifique qui nous intéresse. ii prendre en compte l’imbrication des axes d’oppression agissant simultanément chez un même individu, elle doit aussi prendre en compte la façon dont le contexte occulte l’interaction des identités hiérarchiques et non hiérarchiques en réduisant l’individu à son ou ses axe(s) d’oppression présumé(s). / Through the case study of Salwa, active muslim feminist in Québec, this master’s thesis has for objective to identify diverse factors orienting the political commitment of a muslim feminist in western context. Our basic premise anticipated her exposition to political paradoxes due to the existing tensions between feminism and multiculturalism in western democracies and the intersection of her identities as “muslim” but also as “woman”; two hierarchical categories which, at first, appeared fundamental in our problematic. Only, our interdisciplinary and intersectional approach analysis of Salwa’s identity process of the aforementioned paradoxes revealed the existence of several non-hierarchical claimed identities which, in this context, were eclipsed by the political level. This revelation questions the centrality of the “muslim” and “woman” categories. So, if we believed that the western context could orient the political commitment of muslim feminists in a reducing direction by requiring from them that they prioritize, in spite of their “woman” and “muslim” identities, a political stake between sexism and racism, we see that a consideration, even intersectional, of axis of oppression alone in the construction of one’s political identity can also be reducing. If the intersectional approach wants to take into account the interaction of axis of oppression acting simultaneously for the same individual's, it also has to take into account the way the context hides the interplay between hierarchical and not hierarchical identities by reducing the individual to it(s) presumed axis of oppression.