Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-25T12:21:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Fabiola Faro Eloy Dunda.pdf: 1471915 bytes, checksum: b65bc31e4f3b6b441de14ad0282ae1bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The health subject is inserted in the International Relations context and has been developing cooperative actions in the area since some initiatives like the creation of the Sanitation Councils and International Health Conferences in the XIX century, till the International Sanitation Office Constitution in 1902 which was later on named as the Pan American Health Organization in 1958 and the World Health Organization, created in the post II World War context in 1948. The Brazilian South/South cooperation had its practices deepened during Lula s government if we take into consideration the number of projects in the area, the geographical areas in which the programs were established, the presence of the subjects in the forums in which Brazil took part. This work aims at analyzing the Brazilian South/South cooperation in the health area as an instrument of Lula s Soft Power government instrument between 2003 and 2010 and to do so, were used the geographical and political dimensions of analysis. Observe at first if a intersection point between the Brazilian External Politics during Lula s government and the initiatives in health cooperation exists will allow the evaluation if this cooperation was an instrument of inserting Brazil in the International System. Data from the Health Ministry, Brazilian Cooperation Agency and from the Institute of Applied Economics Research concerning the subject, numbers referring to cooperation, and cooperative countries were collected. This data was correlated with the literature relevant to the subject and to the Brazilian cooperation development, specifically the health cooperation as well as to the external politics in Lula s government. The analysis of the data and the confrontation with the literature allow us to conclude that there was an increase in the South/South health cooperation during Lula s government mainly the projects concerning the HIV/AIDS area and the human milk bank. According to recent data, these projects together corresponded to more than 50% of the cooperative ones in the area. The health cooperative projects followed the directives of the Brazilian External Politics when taking into consideration the geographical areas where these projects were set up (America, Caribe, Africa and Asia), as well as when we observe which cooperative health projects are considered in the MERCOSUL, UNASUL, Portuguese language speaking countries communities (CPLP), IBAS and BRICS Dialogues Foruns. The existence of cooperation projects, of Actions Plans among countries as well as the declarations of the Health Ministry of the countries taking part in the blocks and Dialogue Foruns are representative elements to conclude that the Brazilian South/South health cooperation is an instrument of Soft Power during Lula s government and in this context it has inserted Brazil in the International System / A temática da saúde está inserida no contexto das Relações Internacionais, evoluindo as ações cooperativas na área, desde iniciativas como a criação de Conselhos Sanitários e Conferências Internacionais de Saúde, ainda no Século XIX, até a Constituição do Escritório Sanitário Internacional, em 1902, posteriormente denominado Organização Pan-Americana de Saúde em 1958, e a Organização Mundial de Saúde, criada no contexto do pós II Guerra Mundial, em 1948. Projetos brasileiros de cooperação em saúde coincidem com o próprio desenvolvimento da cooperação brasileira, ao longo dos últimos sessenta anos. A cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde teve as suas práticas aprofundadas durante o governo Lula, ao se considerar o número de projetos na área, as áreas geográficas em que os projetos foram estabelecidos e a presença da temática nos blocos e fóruns de que o Brasil participa. A presente Dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde, como instrumento de Soft Power do governo Lula, no período de 2003 a 2010, utilizando para este fim, as dimensões temática, geográfica e política. Observar, inicialmente, se um ponto de interseção existe entre a Política Externa brasileira no governo Lula e as iniciativas de cooperação em saúde, permitirá a avaliação se esta cooperação constituiu-se como instrumento de inserção do Brasil no Sistema Internacional. Foram coletados dados do Ministério da Saúde, da Agência Brasileira de Cooperação e do Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada, quanto à temática, aos números da cooperação e dos projetos, e quais os países cooperantes nessa área, sendo os mesmo correlacionados com os dados da literatura pertinentes ao histórico e desenvolvimento da cooperação brasileira, e especificamente a cooperação em saúde, bem como, com a Política Externa do governo Lula. A análise dos dados e o confronto com a literatura permitem a conclusão de que houve aumento da cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde durante o governo Lula, destacando-se os projetos na área de HIV/AIDS e de Bancos de Leite Humano, que juntos, corresponderam nos dados mais recentes, a mais de 50% dos projetos de cooperação na área. Os projetos de cooperação em saúde seguiram as linhas diretivas da Politica Externa brasileira, quando se consideram as áreas geográficas onde os projetos foram estabelecidos (América do Sul, Caribe, África e Ásia), bem como quando se observa quais projetos de cooperação em saúde são contemplados dentro das iniciativas, MERCOSUL, UNASAUL, Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), Fórum de Diálogo IBAS e BRICS. A existência de projetos de cooperação, de Planos de Ação entre os países, bem como de Declarações dos Ministros de Saúde dos países participante dos blocos e dos Fóruns de Diálogo, acordando os mesmos, em aprofundar a temática e instituir projetos na área, representam elementos que permitem a conclusão de que a cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira em saúde constituiu-se como instrumento de Soft Power durante o governo Lula, e nesse contexto, permitiu maior inserção do país no Sistema Internacional.

SHAGIVALEEVA, Akime. EU Soft Power in the Eastern Partnership countries: the Case of Ukraine. 89 p. Mater thesis. Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of International Studies. Supervisor prof. Mgr. Eliška Tomalová, Ph.D. Abstract The thesis studies the EU as a soft power actor, seeking to analyse the way it is favouring soft power tools in its foreign policy, establishing the relations with the neighbouring countries and guaranteeing security across its borders. The research is aiming to prove that the soft power is a relevant approach and an effective foreign policy tool for the EU to persuade Eastern Partnership countries for closer cooperation. The topic is relevant for the EU security, prosperity and its role as a global political actor. The thesis makes a contribution to the debate, providing with the characterization of the theoretical concept of 'soft' and 'hard' power, description of the use of soft power by the EU, its sources and limits and the argumentation for the effectiveness and relevance of 'soft power' approach having studied how soft power sources are being applied. The thesis represents a qualitative research structured to investigate primarily the theoretical framework and further apply it onto the policy on regional level (Eastern Partnership states) and then more...

No description available.

本文從中國所處「外環境」與「內環境」去了解中國建構軟權力政策動機與中國當前文化外交的運作模式與施行狀況並發現，中國在1978年走向經濟改革開放後，對內政權合法性遭質疑，對外則有中國威脅論當道；以馬列主義為思想主體的意識型態開始動搖，歐美挾著豐沛經濟實力，向中國大舉輸出資本文化產品，推動文化軟權力的確是中國不得不然，也是必走的道路。 本文同時發現，北京雖然想重塑文明古國和文化大國的形象，但中國國內普遍存在的信仰危機問題，執政當局卻仍無法克服。甚至，中國一方面要構築正面、開放的國家形象，一方面卻仍持續緊縮國內網際網路言論、打壓禁書，可以說，中共是「軟權力建設的主導者，同時也是破壞者」。 中國在推展文化外交忽略最重要的一點：文化外交的內在本質是「推銷真相」(sell the truth)，，中國用文化軟權力來包裝國家形象，但卻忽略了中國品牌背後的「國家信譽」，雖然中國頻頻強調和諧和平，國際社會猶有疑慮，無法百分之百認同中國，中國對內對外的作為出現嚴重落差。中國愈強調要施行文化軟權力，愈凸顯出中國文化軟權力的侷限，中國走向看似光明的大國崛起道路，卻隱隱浮現陰影。

This study aims to account for the high degree of influence and intensity displayed in bi-lateral relations between Russia and the other post-Soviet states - specifically Belarus, Ukraine and Kazakhstan (BUK.) It seeks to do so by employing an analytical framework based around the concept of 'post-Imperialism,' arguing that persistent legacies of the imperial past have both ensured a high degree of intensity in bilateral relationships as well as providing pathways of influence over certain policy areas - primarily for Russia, but in some instances for BUK as well. It also seeks to examine imperial legacy issues as distinct 'types' - from physical economic and military infrastructure, to cross-border constellations of elite personnel to the normative and cognitive inheritances of imperialism amongst both the elite and the population at large. It concludes that Russia has been able to mobilise and employ power resources not available to alternative actors in order to 'punch above its weight' when competing with other powers for influence in the post-Soviet space, and preserve certain Soviet era patterns of relations. It is not the focus of this study, but it is to be hoped that the framework will prove useful for researchers in other former imperial polities in future.

Tesis para obtener el grado de Magíster en Estudios Internacionales / El movimiento ciudadano internacional Boicot, Desinversiones y Sanciones Contra Israel – BDS surge como respuesta frente a la persistente pasividad de la comunidad internacional respecto de la insostenible y desastrosa situación que vive el pueblo palestino ya sea en el exilio o bajo la discriminación, segregación y represión institucional, una realidad que se ha mantenido así por siete décadas. Los tres únicos objetivos de su campaña están basados en el Derecho Internacional y en resoluciones de Naciones Unidas, resoluciones que hasta la fecha no han sido cumplidas por el Estado Israelí. Se trata de una forma de lucha no violenta cuya estrategia de desinversión y boicot económico, académico y cultural a empresas e instituciones vinculadas a la ocupación han generado la presión suficiente para provocar cambios en la política exterior israelí, presentando una nueva imagen al exterior. La presente investigación tiene por objeto analizar el poder de atracción o Soft Power del BDS y su capacidad de empujar al Estado Israelí hacia la reconfiguración de su propaganda política o “hasbara” la cual constituye el núcleo de su diplomacia pública. / The Boycott, Divestments and Sanctions Against Israel campaign or BDS is an international social movement which emerges as a response to the international community’s persistent lack of determination regarding the unsustainable and devastating situation of the Palestinian people, who are living either in exile or under discrimination, segregation and institutional repression, situation they have been going through for seven decades. The three objectives of the BDS campaign are based on international law and on United Nations resolutions which, to date, have not been met by the Israeli State. BDS is a non-violent struggle whose divestment strategy and economic, academic and cultural boycott of companies and institutions linked to the Israeli occupation have produced enough pressure to make Israel change its foreign policy introducing a whole new image abroad. The purpose of this research is to analyze the power of attraction or Soft Power of the BDS and its ability to push the Israeli State towards the reconfiguration of its political propaganda or "hasbara" which constitutes the core of its public diplomacy. / 2018.01.01

Despite a vast research of Russia’s means of power, including its military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine, no comprehensive comparison of Russia’s exercise of power in Georgia and Ukraine has been accomplished, even though they are the most prominent cases of post-Soviet states that have been subjects for Russian military aggression. This study compares the forms of power Russia has been using to implement its foreign policy objectives in Ukraine and Georgia, in order to identify Russia’s power-related behavior and strategies, through an abductive qualitative approach with a comparative method. Russia’s means of power are analyzed through the glasses of the analytical framework of Joseph Nye’s concepts of command power, soft power and smart power. The findings suggest that Russia’s main foreign policy objectives, related to the post-Soviet space, are to prevent the establishment of a pro-Western orientation in the region, make its neighboring countries dependent on Russia, establish closer ties with its neighbors and incorporate them in the Eurasian Customs Union (ECU), but also to achieve military supremacy in the region. It is further apparent that Russia uses similar strategies and means of power in Georgia and Ukraine, both through military actions and economic pressures, that can be categorized under command power, but also through diplomatic means, other economic means, informational tools and co-optation. However, in order to achieve its foreign policy objectives most efficiently, Russia combines command power and soft power. This study can contribute to the research of other dominant countries and unequal relationships; and from the learnings of this study, early warning signs or scenarios with certain foreign policy moves can be detected in other dominant countries’ exercise of power towards less powerful states.

Desde o início do século XX a música brasileira tem sido palco de discussões e negociações sobre a identidade nacional. Em diferentes momentos históricos, tensões ideológicas e projetos identitários produziram usos variados dos idiomas português e inglês, refletindo correntes de nacionalismo acirrado e outras vezes de abertura à influência estrangeira. No decorrer do século XX, a música tornou-se uma das mais importantes manifestações artísticas brasileiras no mundo e um instrumento de difusão de nossa língua e cultura. Os mitos nacionais que se formaram ao longo de nossa história e que resultaram no atual imaginário do Brasil acabaram por gerar utopias que foram e são de interesse mundial. A música é, ainda hoje, vista como ferramenta para o aumento do poder brando do Brasil. Vemos aqui como os usos do par de idiomas português-inglês foi utilizado de forma a retratar o jogo de poder e as tensões identitárias junto ao público estrangeiro. As traduções de canções brasileiras, a criação de versões bilíngues como meio de divulgar a diversidade cultural brasileira, assim como o papel de mediadores culturais e seu potencial de transformação das relações com o estrangeiro, também são discutidos neste trabalho / Since the early 20th century, Brazilian music has been the stage for discussions and negotiations on national identity. At different historical moments, ideological tensions and identity projects produced different uses of the Portuguese and English languages in music, either reflecting a fierce nationalism or else some openness to the influence of the foreign other. Along the 20th century, Brazilian music became one of the most important artistic manifestations in the world and an instrument for the dissemination of our language and culture. Brazilian national myths generated throughout history and that contribute to the current image of Brazil, also helped create utopias that were and still are of global interest. Music is seen today, as a tool for increasing Brazilian soft power. This thesis draws on how Portuguese and English have been used in order to portray the power play and identity tensions with the foreign public. Translations of Brazilian songs, the creation of bilingual versions, the promotion of Brazilian cultural diversity, as well as the role of cultural mediators and the potential for transformation of foreign relations, are also discussed in this work

As immigration turns into the scapegoat of political and social tensions all over the world and politicians that seem to be talking about migration flows communicate instead their conception of the world and where it should head, this study investigates the refugee crisis of 2015 as represented in the two global television channels RT and BBCW. Widely studied for the depiction the press gives of the refugees, for the first time the refugee crisis is analyzed as an arena where competing understandings of international relations are constructed, in a media ecology where a myriad of actors have a chance to foreground their truth and where wars are fought, and possibly won, through the weapons of values, culture and the attraction they exercise (Nye Jr. 1990, 2013). Borrowing the concept of strategic narratives from international relations (Miskimmon et al. 2013) and applying it to textual analysis, the study employs framing analysis to operationalize it and explores a sample of 144 news items (74 from RT and 70 from BBCW) broadcast in August and September 2015 to retrace the narratives of the two channels. It finds out that, although conflicting with each other, both RT’s and BBCW’s narratives are strategic and aim at constructing a past, present and future of international relations that can influence what we expect, consider acceptable or conceivable on the international theater. The channels’ narratives are about the destiny of Europe and countries, depicting a reality that still responds to old Cold War dividing lines. An analysis of the actors allowed to speak and represented as acting confirms that in RT and BBCW political elites and the nations they represent have a greater chance, compared to other actors, to define international politics and shape shared understandings of how international relations works and where it is heading.

As China’s economic and military power develops and expands, it has been focusing recent efforts on upgrading its soft power in order to quell concerns and apprehensions about its rise. As the two most powerful nations in the world, China and the United States have both attached great importance to Sino-U.S. relations, recognizing that the structure of the future global community will be largely dependent upon these two countries effectively collaborating in shaping the global structure and improving global issues. Facing an American public that views China as a threat and competitor, as well as Western media that consistently paints China in a negative light, the Chinese Communist Party has realized the need to reach out to the American populace and facilitate people-to-people ties, increasing its soft power in the country and thus facilitating a stronger bilateral relationship. This thesis reviews three areas of China’s soft power push in the United States: cultural diplomacy, which includes creating more educational opportunities, building Confucius Institutes, organizing cultural events, and increasing diplomatic outreach; media campaigning and propaganda through news, television, radio, and the internet; and congressional lobbying.