The European Neighbourhood policy is the union’s joint foreign policy framework for themajority of the nations in the Caucasus, Eastern European, Middle eastern and North african regions, which are divided into an eastern, and a southern region. One of the main goals of the policy is to foster democratic progress in the regions involved. This task has, however, proven to be a complex and difficult one which has seen mixed results. This study uses a frameworkbased on the theory of soft power to examine what strategy the union utilizes to achieve democratization in these regions. The use of a comparative approach allows the drawing of conclusions about the subject matter based on differences in the approach between the regions. The study found that a top-down strategy of democratization was utilized in the eastern region, while a grassroot, bottom-up approach was more prevalent in the southern.This study is thus a useful addition to the plentiful research regarding the Neighbourhood policy as its findings offer opportunities for further comparative study by highlighting that there are indeed relevant differences in the relationship of the EU to the two regions.

The current study followed the methodology used by Erchul and colleagues (eg., Erchul, Raven, & Ray, 2001, Getty & Erchul, 2008) to assess and compare the likelihood of use of social power bases reported by school psychologists and school counselors. Furthermore, because the Interpersonal Power Inventory (consultant usage form; IPI-Form CT-U) was used for the first time with the school counselors, the factor structure of the instrument was also examined using Principal Component Analysis. 2 components, harsh and soft power, were identified which were similar to the harsh and soft power sources identified in the previous studies using IPI. Similar to previous research with school psychologists, the results of the current study also demonstrated that IPI-Form CT-U is an internally consistent measure that can be used to assess the likelihood of use of soft and harsh power bases in school counselors. The current study emphasized the similarities and underscored the differences between the likelihood of use of social power bases among school counselors and school psychologists. Overall, both school psychologists and school counselors rated soft power bases higher than harsh power bases. Informational power, expert power, and legitimate power of dependence were the three highest rated power bases by school psychologists and school counselors. In comparison to school psychologists, school counselors reported a higher likelihood of using soft power when consulting with a teacher. A comparison between the individual social power ratings by school psychologists and counselors revealed that school counselors rated expert power, legitimate power of dependence, and impersonal coercion higher in terms of their likelihood of use, as compared to the school psychologists. The differences in the ratings by school counselors and school psychologists may be explained in the light of the differences in their training, the nature of their role and their placement in school settings.

yes / This article highlights and analyses a hitherto largely neglected dimension to the growing agency of large developing countries in global affairs: their hosting of international sports mega-events. Why are large developing countries hosting sports mega-events and what does this contemporary phenomenon tell us about the significance of, for example, the Olympics and the World Cup in global affairs? We explore these questions through brief examination of the cases of the three most active sports mega-event hosting states in recent times: Brazil, China and South Africa. The 2008 Beijing Olympics, the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, and the upcoming 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympic Games in Brazil provide interesting examples with which to explore developing country agency in the international system and in particular the discursive basis of that agency. We see the hosting of sports mega-events as the practice of public diplomacy by states to both demonstrate existing soft power capability as well as pursue its further enhancement.

This thesis provides an empirical contribution to the existing literature regarding Russian foreign policy and its application in Russia's near abroad. The primary case study is Russian foreign policy instruments applied to the Eastern European country of Moldova. This thesis directly cites the Russian National Security Concept (RNSC) documents from 2000 and 2016 as the foundation for analysis of Russian foreign policy actions applied to both Eastern Europe and Moldova. A summation of the type of instruments used within Moldova, either "soft power" or "hard power" resources, citing specific examples of each, is included. The result of this thesis is a foundation for future research of Russian foreign policy based on Russian foreign policy documents, as it pertains to the former republics of the Soviet Union. / Master of Arts / This thesis is a study of Russian foreign policy documents and actions as they pertain to the Republic of Moldova. The primary research question addressed here in is “What is Russia’s foreign policy in regard to its “near abroad,” and how does Russia enforce this foreign policy?” The Republic of Moldova is used as a case study because since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, Moldova has not been able to extricate itself from the political influence of Russia. Each time Moldova seeks trade and military agreements with the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Russia uses various methods to redirect Moldovan foreign policy towards Russia. These methods, their applications, and the goals Russia seeks to achieve through their use are examined in this thesis.

In the 21st Century, violent non-state actors continue to pose an asymmetric threat to state actors. Given the increasing proliferation of lethal technologies, growing global social connectivity, and continued occurrences of failed or failing states, the quantity of violent non-state actors posing threats in global hotspots is likely to increase. The United States, already facing strategic overreach due to conflicts in Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Africa, will face enormous difficulties in engaging militarily against a multitude of violent non-state actors. Smart power, a selective employment of hard and soft power applications, presents an opportunity to limit and deter violent non-state actors in a resource-constrained environment. Smart power, previously viewed through a largely state-on-state lens must be looked at through the paradigm of containing and engaging violent non-state actors. / Master of Arts / Modern nation-states must contend with an asymmetric threat from violent nonstate actors. In this thesis, an asymmetric threat is viewed as a threat in which the conventionally weaker opponent gains an undue advantage given their commensurate strength. Violent non-state actors are defined in this thesis as non-state armed groups that resort to organized violence as a tool to achieve their goals. Given the increasing proliferation of lethal technologies, growing global social connectivity, and continued occurrences of failed or failing states, the quantity of violent non-state actors posing threats in global hotspots is likely to increase. The United States, already facing strategic overreach due to conflicts in Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Africa, will face enormous difficulties in engaging militarily against a multitude of violent non-state actors. Smart power, the employment of a variety of power applications [i.e. air strikes, coalition building, diplomacy, foreign aid, etc.], presents an opportunity to limit and deter violent non-state actors in a resource-constrained environment. Smart power, previously viewed through a largely state-on-state lens must be looked at through the paradigm of containing and engaging violent non-state actors.

Si la coopération sino-africaine dans le sillage des indépendances nationales des années soixante a trouvé son ferment dans l’idéologie révolutionnaire et l’esprit de Bandung, il n’en est point question de la nouvelle phase qui s’ouvre à l’aube du XXIème siècle. En effet, les mutations internationales intervenues dans la charnière des deux siècles, le renouvellement des acteurs des deux côtés et les réalités endogènes propres à chaque partie, ont accéléré l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère où l’économie devient la pierre angulaire de la coopération. La naissance du FOCAC traduit la volonté de mieux coordonner les relations entre la Chine et l’Afrique, en même temps qu’elle donne la mesure de l’intensité et du volume de leurs échanges. Quelle est donc cette institution qui regroupe autant d’Etats ? Quels sont ses fondements théoriques? Et quelle réponse apporte-elle aux nombreux contempteurs de la présence chinoise en Afrique ? Telles sont les principales articulations de ce travail. / Whereas the China-Africa cooperation under the tough era of decolonization in 1960’s was strongly fostered by shared revolutionary ideology and Bandung spirit, that is not the case in the new phase in the early 21st century. Indeed, the deep changes occurred between the two centuries, the renewal of leaders within both sides and internal challenges faced by them, speeded up the entrance into a new era where economy becomes the cornerstone of their cooperation. The birth of FOCAC reveals the willingness to handle effectively the relationship between China and Africa, as well as it shows the intensity and the seize of their trade. What is that institution gathering together so many countries? What are its theoretical foundations? And what kind of response it provides to those who belittle China offensive in Africa? These are shortly, the main outlines of this work.

Depuis les années 1970, bien avant l’entrée en vigueur du traité de Maastricht, le statut de l’UE dans les relations internationales et donc sa puissance est une source des débats conceptuels. Bien que la construction européenne soit souvent vue comme un processus de renoncement à la puissance, l’idée d’une Europe puissance qui se substitute à l’impuissance des Etats membres après la Seconde Guerre mondiale est toujours présente parmi les représentants de divers approches des relations internationales: puissance civile, puissance normative, puissance militaire, puissance douce, etc. Il faut remarquer que la recherche pour les nouveaux concepts supposés décrire toujours mieux la nature énigmatique de la puissance européenne continue. L’objectif de ce travail est de contribuer à ce débat en utilisant le concept de smart power, combinaison raisonné de hard et de soft power, pour décrire le rapport de l’UE à la puissance. Le concept de smart power parait pertinent pour expliquer le modèle de la puissance de l’Union, même si, en pratique, l’UE a des difficultés à exercer le smart power en raison du manque de volonté parmi ces pays membres. / Since the 1970s, even before the Maastricht Treaty comes into force, the status of the EU in international relations and therefore its power is a source of conceptual debates. Although European integration is often seen as a process of renunciation of power, the idea of a European power which replaces the powerlessness of member states after the Second World War is always present among the representatives of various approaches to international relations: civilian power, normative power, soft power, military power, etc. It should be noted that the search for new concepts to describe better the enigmatic nature of European power is in progress.The aim of this work is to contribute to this debate by using the concept of smart power, effective combination of hard power and soft power, in order to describe the nature of the power of the EU. The concept of smart power seems relevant to explain the model of the EU’s power, although, in practice, the EU has difficulties in exercising smart power because of the lack of will among the member countries.

S’inscrivant dans l’histoire des relations culturelles internationales, cette thèse porte sur la seconde vague d’américanisation culturelle du Brésil (1946-1978). Elle s’interroge sur la notion d’américanisation, sur ses acteurs et décideurs et sur leurs moyens d’action, ainsi que sur les lieux de rencontres culturels entre le Brésil et les États-Unis. Dans un contexte politique international bipolaire, la seconde américanisation culturelle du Brésil s’insère dans une Guerre froide« périphérique », celle qui dépasse l’axe États-Unis - Union Soviétique : elle est conduite par un réseau complexe de décideurs artistiques, convaincus de l’importance du renforcement de l’amitié continentale américaine. Pour cela, la culture, sous toutes ses formes, s’avère un outil de politique étrangère relevant du soft power, mais aussi un instrument privilégié, voire une « arme » actionnée par des décideurs privés. Cette thèse s’intéresse aux acteurs et médiateurs individuels ou collectifs, à titre étatique ou privé, ainsi qu’à leurs actions culturelles contribuant à la diffusion de l’American Way of Life dans l’axe Rio de Janeiro - São Paulo. Les Brésiliens eux-mêmes, individus comme autorités politiques ou institutions privées, occupent une place déterminante dans cette démarche d’alignement culturel : les Brésiliens invitent ainsi volontiers des artistes états-uniens et organisent ou reçoivent avec sympathie des manifestations culturelles en provenance du « grand frère ». Cette participation brésilienne volontariste conduit l’approche de cette étude : celle d’une américanisation largement « invitée » dans les musées, galeries, théâtres ou instituts culturels brésiliens. Ces lieux de rencontres et domaines culturels ont jusqu’alors été peu analysés par l’historiographie ; mais ils s’avèrent fondamentaux pour la compréhension tout aussi bien de la place attribuée au Brésil dans les circuits internationaux artistiques dans le contexte bipolaire, que de la présence culturelle états-unienne au Brésil ou de la nature des relations internationales des deux géants américains lors de la Guerre froide culturelle. / As a part of the history of the international cultural relations, this thesis focuses on the second wave of the cultural americanisation of Brazil (1946-1978). It questions the notion of americanisation, its actors, its decision makers and their means of action, as well as the cultural meeting places between Brazil and the United States. In a bipolar international political context, the second cultural americanisation of Brazil takes place in a « peripheral » Cold War which oversteps the axis United- States - Soviet-Union. It is realized by a complex network of decision makers who believe in the importance of the strenghtening of the American continental friendship. For that purpose, culture in all its different forms proves to be useful for the « soft power » foreign politic and to be an ideal tool, a true « weapon », in the hands of the private decision makers.This thesis focuses on the actors and the individual or collective mediators, private ones or public ones, as well as on their cultural actions which help to spread the American Way of Life over the axis Rio de Janeiro - Sao Paulo. The Brazilians, individuals, political authorities or private institutions occupy a key place in this cultural alignement process: they invite artists from the United-States willingly and organise or receive cultural events from the « big brother » with sympathy. This voluntary Brazilian participation leads the process approach of this work: a widely « invited » americanisation in the museums, galleries, theaters or Brazilian cultural instituts. These meeting places and cultural areas have not yet been much analysed by the historiography; but they are fundamental for the comprehension of the place given to Brazil in the international art circuits in the bipolar context, for the comprehension of the cultural presence of the United States in Brazil and for the nature of the international relations of the two giants during the cultural Cold War.

Le pouvoir est omniprésent dans les interactions sociales. Il en va de même pour la politique internationale depuis la naissance des Relations internationales. Mais au sein de celle-ci, ce concept est contesté. Par exemple, le terme anglais power désigne deux phénomènes qui ne sont pas identiques et qui sont traduits par deux termes distingues en français : « la puissance » signifiant la capacité d’obtenir ce qu’on désire, et « le pouvoir » renvoyant au contrôle du comportement d’un acteur sur un autre. L’objectif de la thèse est double. Tout d’abord, cette recherche entend établir un lien étroit entre la façon de définir le pouvoir et les différents cadres théoriques (réalistes, libéraux, constructivistes) puisqu’il n’existe pas d’unique définition du concept. Ce premier aspect permettra de mieux comprendre la genèse mais aussi les tensions entre le concept et sa théorie-cadre lorsque le premier a tendance à circuler dans d’autres théories, comme ce dont témoigne les débats autour de la trilogie hard power, soft power, smart power de Joseph Nye. Le deuxième objectif vise à mieux comprendre le pouvoir des organisations intergouvernementales en adoptant un cadre constructiviste. La thèse s’appuie sur l’approche de Barnett et Duvall qui distingue quatre types de pouvoir (imposé, institutionnel, structurel et productif) en vue de saisir le pouvoir productif de la Francophonie dans la « fabrication » d’une nouvelle subjectivité de l’Etat : le « droit souverain » de promouvoir sa diversité culturelle et le « devoir souverain » concernant la responsabilité de protéger. La thèse montre également que le pouvoir institutionnel du Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies s’exerce via la socialisation du Vietnam en son sein dans le cas de la responsabilité de protéger. / The power is a ubiquitous phenomenon in social relations, particularly in International Relations. It is, however, an “essentially contestable” concept in IR theories. For instance, the English term power refers to two different phenomena which can be translated into two distinct terms in French: “la puissance” which means the capacity to get what one wants, and “le pouvoir” which implies the control over other’s behavior. This thesis has two objectives. First, it aims to build close connection between the power conceptualization and its theoretical framework (realism, liberalism, and constructivism) as there is no unique definition of power. The liaison between power definition and its theoretical framework allows us to better apprehend not only its genesis but also the discrepancy that emerges whenever the concept tend to transcend its theoretical framework, as reflected in the debates relative to the trilogy hard power, soft power, smart power of Joseph Nye. Second, this thesis intends to better understand the power of international organizations under the constructivist theoretical framework. The study bases on the power taxonomy of Barnett and Duvall who classify the concept into four types: compulsory power, institutional power, structural power and productive power. Based on this classification, we can understand the productive power of Francophonie in terms of “producing” a new subjectivity of State in IR: the “sovereign right” of promoting its cultural diversity and the “sovereign duty” of fulfilling its responsibility to protect. The thesis demonstrates also the UNSC’s institutional power via the Vietnam socialization process leading to the endorsement of the R2P concept.

in English This study of the Institut Français (IF) and the Russian centre of science and culture (RCSC) is significant because it reveals different models of functioning for a cultural centre in an international global context. The main purpose of the paper was to analyse the differences between the two cultural centres (IF and RCSC) and figure out in which way these differences influence the development of the cultural centres abroad. According to our main goal we operate within conceptual and theoretical framework: the national culture and soft power (as reasons of the development of national cultural centres), the globalization (as a condition of their development), the nation branding (as the result of their functioning). Moreover, this paper supports the hypotheses that national cultural centres abroad define their cultural strategies whilst facing the realities of other countries and that the roles of managers of cultural centres are fundamental. This work is divided into three main chapters. The first explains why the IF and RCSC centres were created by analysing the history of their transformations. We examine the reasons for the increasing amount of national cultural centres to provide the most efficient soft power. The second chapter addresses the question of where they are located. We...