This thesis aims to investigate how a shift of the context in which artwork is presented necessitates ashift in curatorial approach. The discussion considers the overlapping categories of public andprivate in the spaces in which art is presented and encountered within the public sphere.By critically engaging with public sphere discourse, I construct a theoretical perspective rooted inChantal Mouffe's concept of agonistic space. I advocate an adaptive curatorial approach whichregards potential audiences as plural and fragmented. This perspective is then used as a lens throughwhich to analyse the curatorial strategies operative within three case studies of exhibition projectsfrom the artistic practice of Johanna Gustafsson Fürst, and to reflect on the future potential foragonistic curatorial approaches.

Social participation is seen as the success cornerstone of the public policies, counting on the beneficiary public in its formulation, operationalization and co-management. The public policy of Rural Extension for Settlements is summed up in 2003 with the Technical, Social and Environmental Advisory Program that, in the settlements of Rio Grande do Sul, currently attends - through contracts signed with entities that provide rural extension services, defined through public calls - approximately eleven thousand families, organized in twenty Operational Nuclei. The current institutional format of the TSEA RS Program includes a State Board of TSEA, TSEA Regional Councils and evaluation and planning meetings in all the settlements. The present study investigated whether the changes that the program underwent during the contracts period (2009-2016) were derived from the process of social participation, and what other results were produced by the participation in the construction of a learning capable of subsidizing public discussions about the Program of TSEA and the other public policies of Rural Extension. The Habermasian theoretical reference on the public sphere, the theory of communicative action and deliberative democracy were used as analytical lens. Considering the criticisms of some elements of this theoretical body, the analysis with the contributions of Nancy Fraser on strong publics, weak publics and subaltern publics was complemented, allowing recognizing the multiplicity of publics, the difference of power and, nevertheless, the sphere Take the form of discussions and deliberations, contributing to the democratic construction. The research was anchored in action research and used action observation, documentary analysis and interviews. The main conclusions are that participation, role differentiation, networking and the construction of methodological tools for participation and qualification are key elements for a Pluralist Rural Extension System and a democratic Rural Extension program. Specifically on TSEA RS, participation was fundamental to achieve deliberative processes and the current design of the Program, allowing to provide references on the five dimensions analyzed: institutional design, context and institutional environment, inclusion and representativeness, deliberative process and results of participation. / A participação social é apontada como pedra angular do sucesso das políticas públicas, passando pelo envolvimento do público beneficiário na sua formulação, operacionalização e cogestão. A política pública de Extensão Rural para assentamentos é retomada em 2003 com o Programa de Assessoria Técnica, Social e Ambiental que, nos assentamentos do Rio Grande do Sul, atende, atualmente, através de contratos celebrados com entidades prestadoras de serviço de extensão rural, definidas através de chamadas públicas aproximadamente onze mil famílias, organizadas em vinte Núcleos Operacionais. O atual formato institucional do Programa de ATES RS inclui um Conselho Estadual de ATES, Conselhos Regionais de ATES e reuniões de avaliação e planejamento em todos os assentamentos. O presente trabalho investigou se as mudanças por que passou o Programa no período dos contratos (2009 - 2016) derivam do processo de participação social, e quais outros resultados foram produzidos pela participação no sentido de construir uma aprendizagem capaz de subsidiar as discussões públicas sobre o Programa de ATES e as demais políticas públicas de Extensão Rural. Como lente analítica utilizou-se o referencial teórico habermasiano sobre a esfera pública, a teoria da ação comunicativa e a democracia deliberativa. Considerando as críticas a alguns elementos desse corpo teórico complementou-se a análise com as contribuições de Nancy Fraser sobre públicos fortes, públicos fracos e contra públicos subalternos, permitindo assim reconhecer a multiplicidade de públicos, a diferença de poder e, ainda assim, a esfera pública tomar a forma de discussões e deliberações, contribuindo com a construção democrática. A pesquisa foi ancorada na pesquisa-ação e lançou mão da observação ação, da análise documental e de entrevistas. As principais conclusões são que a participação, a diferenciação de papeis, a atuação em rede e a construção de ferramentas metodológicas para participação e qualificação são elementos chave para um Sistema Pluralista de Extensão Rural e um programa de Extensão Rural democrático. Especificamente sobre a ATES RS, a participação foi fundamental para que se alcançassem processos deliberativos e o atual desenho do Programa, permitindo aportar referências sobre as cinco dimensões analisadas: desenho institucional, contexto e ambiente institucional, inclusão e representatividade, processo deliberativo e resultados da participação.

Ce mémoire présente les travaux effectués sur le développement d’un dispositif tout-optique de contrôle de l’état de polarisation de la lumière, appelé attracteur de polarisation. En effet, cette caractéristique de la lumière demeure une variable incontrôlable qui peut dégrader les performances des dispositifs tout-optiques. Basé sur l’interaction non linéaire entre deux ondes contrapropagatives au sein d’une fibre optique, ce dispositif permet de contrôler l’état de polarisation de la lumière sans pertes dépendantes de la polarisation.Il est tout d’abord effectué une étude approfondie des propriétés de l’attracteur de polarisation qui conduit au contrôle et à la stabilisation de l’état de polarisation d’un flux de données optiques aux formats NRZ et RZ cadencé à 10 Gb/s dans des fibres de plusieurs kilomètres. Par la suite, cette fonction de régénération tout-optique est associée à d’autres fonctions de régénération telles que l’amplification Raman et le régénérateur de Mamyshev dans le but de régénérer des flux de données optiques à des débits supérieurs à 10 Gb/s.Enfin, une extension de l’attracteur de polarisation, appelé Omnipolariseur, est étudiée où la lumière interagit avec elle-même grâce à un dispositif de réflexion inséré à l’autre extrémité de la fibre optique. La lumière est alors capable d’auto-organiser son état de polarisation, ce qui démontre la capacité de l’Omnipolariseur par exemple à stabiliser l’état de polarisation d’un flux de données optiques RZ à 40 Gb/s à 1550 nm / This thesis deals with the work the development of an all-optical device for the control of the polarization state of light. Actually, this feature of light remains so far an uncontrolled variable, which can degrade the performances of all-optical systems. Based on nonlinear interaction between two counterpropagating waves inside an optical fiber, this device called polarization attractor allows to control the polarization state of light without polarization dependent losses.In a first part, we carry out extensive studies of the polarization attractor properties leading to the control and the regeneration of the polarization state of the 10-Gb/s NRZ and RZ telecommunication signals. Then, this all-optical regeneration function is associated with other regeneration functions, like Raman amplification and Mamyshev regenerator, in order to regenerate optical telecommunication signals at rates exceeding 10-Gb/s.Finally, we present an extension of polarization attractor, called Omnipolarizer, where the light interacts with herself by means of a reflective element inserted at the opposite end of the optical fiber. In that case, the light is able to organize its own polarization state, demonstrating the ability of Omnipolarizer to stabilize by example the polarization state of a 40-Gb/s RZ telecommunication signal at 1550 nm

The present thesis is constructed upon the findings of a two month long field research, a Minor Field Study (MFS), in Casablanca, Morocco between February and April 2017. The aim is to understand how Moroccan satirical journalists can be understood in relation to the Moroccan media, and seeks out to answer the following research questions: 1) how can the relationship between Moroccan satirists and the majority media be theorized, and 2) how do the satirists relate to journalistic ideals in regard to the truth? The thesis was conducted by applying semi-structured interviews with six satirical journalists. The analysis is based on theories on public spheres, counterpublics, juxtaposition and journalistic ideals, and evolves as a discussion that intertwines the Moroccan and global media arena and the rise of a subjective narrative in global journalism. This thesis concludes that the Moroccan satirists are driven by ideals that are substantially in line with that which we connect to journalism. And while there are reasons to believe that the satirists of this thesis are countering the Moroccan media – a conclusion supported by factors such as hegemony, expression and content – I argue that it is more accurate to define the relationship between satirist and the dominant media as a juxtaposition. This is supported by the way the satirists view their work – accentuating the need to be truthful, responsible, and by acting as the public's surrogate when interrogating and questioning the power elite.

The subject of this dissertation is the confessional revivalist organisation Evangeliska Fosterlands-Stiftelsen (EFS – approximately the Swedish Evangelical Mission Society) between 1856 and 1910. EFS was founded in 1856 in a Pietistic tradition, and its aim was to revitalise from within what was seen as a too dormant State church, and also to counteract the influence of the emerging free churches. The study has five main sections. The introductory part consists of the theoretical framework and the historical context. In the second chapter EFS’ aims and expectations are studied on a national level. The third chapter examines the content of published and distributed tracts. The fourth chapter focuses on the activities of the itinerant colporteurs, and the fifth and final part studies the work of a local EFS-congregation. The aim of the dissertation is twofold. The first objective is to describe the transformation EFS underwent during the period studied. This process is described in terms related to Jürgen Habermas’ expression “public sphere”. When EFS was founded, as a board, it can be seen as one of other middle- and upper-class associations, and as such a part of the Swedish public sphere. By 1910 EFS had begun to move away from the Swedish State church and had become more like contemporary popular movements and free churches – it had started to take the shape of an limited alternative sphere, a denomination. The second aim is to use EFS as an example to describe and analyse the changed perception of religion during the second half of the 19th century. This change is described as a process of secularisation. Secularisation is seen here as the process that turned religion into an individual, voluntary and optional act of faith, among other religious and non-religious alternatives, for ordinary people. Of particular interest is the paradoxical relation between revivalism and secularisation. Various revivalist movements emphasised the personal relation to God and the individual right to interpret the word of God. The individual choice for salvation was also stressed within revivalism. These movements also created new alternatives to the all-embracing State church. Thus both the position of the Church, and the universal claims of Christianity in general, were undermined. The transformation EFS underwent is seen as an adaptation to the rise of modern society, which became more pluralistic and hence competitive during the final decades of the 19th century. This development meant that new strategies were required for religious organisations overall, in order for them to be able to compete and flourish. / digitalisering@umu

Cette thèse étudie comment la critique humoristique de l'actualité dans les médiasaudiovisuels de masse français est devenue un genre médiatique à part entière. Le travail« sérieux », « invisible », aux finalités « visibles », parfois surexposées, des « humoristesd'actualité », s'inspirant de la tradition des bouffons d'antan, revisite quotidiennement lesmises en récit journalistiques en les décalant, par « déboîtement ». Le croisement de troisspécialités sociologiques (des médias, du travail et de la critique), le recours à des entretienssemi-directifs (n=43) et à des corpus médiatiques conséquents (presse écrite et séquencesaudiovisuelles) permettent de décrire des trajectoires, des statuts, des savoirs-faire et des rôlesconstitutifs d'une expérience artistique et professionnelle. En interaction avec leurs deuxprincipales sources d'inspiration (professionnels de la politique et journalistes), les humoristesd'actualité produisent une critique réflexive, contestataire ou dénonciatrice. Cette critiquespécifique, méthode de dévoilement aux règles implicites et explicites, constitue une « carteblanche » pour aller le plus loin possible, malgré les risques (pressions, licenciements, procès,etc.), les polémiques régulières, les tentatives de construction de « lignes jaunes »(philosophique, politique, journalistique), et les controverses à la visibilité parfois maximale(affaire Strauss-Kahn), qui pèsent plus ou moins sur la définition des normes du travail(censure, autocensure, etc.). L'imagination créatrice des humoristes d'actualité participepleinement du processus de « publicisation critique » de la démocratie, et teste son idéal deliberté d'expression. / This thesis explores how the news humorous critic in the French audiovisual mass media hasbecome a media genre in its own right. The "serious", "invisible" work, made for "visible"ends, sometimes overexposed, of these "news humorists" who are inspired by the tradition ofjesters of old, regularly revisits journalistic narratives, and shifting them by "pulling-out"(déboîtement). The crossing of three sociological literatures (media, work and criticism),semi-structured interviews (n = 43) and a substantial media corpus (print media andaudiovisual sequences) allows us to describe the trajectories, statutes, know-how andconstituent roles of an artistic and professional experience. Interacting with their two mainsources of inspiration (elected officials and journalists), news humorists are producing a criticthat can be reflexive, protestive or reprobative. This specific critic, unveiling method, withimplicit and explicit rules, constitutes a "carte blanche" to go as far as possible, despite therisks (pressures, layoffs, lawsuits, etc.), regular polemics, attempts to set "yellow lines"(philosophical, political, journalistic), and controversies with high visibility (the Strauss-Kahncase), all of this weighing more or less on the definition of work standards (censorship, selfcensorship,etc.). The creative imagination of news humorists then fully participates in theprocess of "critical publicisation" of democracy, and tests its ideal of freedom of expression.

Ce travail de recherche interroge l'articulation de la politique scientifique à la pratique concrète et quotidienne des chercheurs académiques. Depuis les années 1980, on assiste à une remise en cause du modèle " traditionnel " d'organisation de la recherche, qui tend à être remplacé par un nouveau, dont les deux principales caractéristiques sont 1) le passage d'un financement récurrent à un financement majoritairement sur projets ; 2) l'affichage, au niveau de la politique scientifique, de l'interdisciplinarité comme un moyen de favoriser l'innovation. Dans ce mouvement global, les " nanos ", porteuses de promesses en termes de développement économique et de création d'emplois, apparaissent comme un levier pour rapprocher la recherche des enjeux économiques et industriels. C'est la raison pour laquelle nous appréhendons les " nanos " dans leur dimension de vecteur d'une recomposition de l'organisation de la recherche par la sphère politique. Ce mouvement est contesté par les chercheurs. Aussi, nous étudions, d'un côté, les transformations au niveau des exigences de la politique scientifique, et, d'un autre côté, les façons dont les chercheurs s'approprient, ou contournent, ces évolutions. Notre travail de terrain se focalise sur le niveau local et la constitution de l'Institut des technologies avancées en sciences du vivant (Itav), pensé comme un lieu devant favoriser l'innovation et le développement technologique, par le biais des nanobiotechnologies en particulier. Dans une perspective habermassienne visant à alimenter la question théorique des rapports entre système et monde vécu (Habermas, 1987), nous mettons au jour, à travers notre analyse, les motifs et les formes de la résistance des chercheurs aux injonctions politiques orientées vers des enjeux économiques. Cette résistance repose en partie sur des enjeux stratégiques, de carrière notamment. Mais elle est également fondée, en partie, sur un accord normatif autour de valeurs et de normes qui contribuent à la reproduction de la sphère de la recherche en tant que sphère d'activité autonome. / This research work scrutinizes the impact of science policy, both on practices for researchers and on the reorganization of academic research. There has been an evolution of the "traditional" model of research organization doubly characterized by: (1) the shift from a recurrent funding to project financing; (2) the promotion of interdisciplinary as a mean to foster innovation. As part of this movement, the field of "nanos", promoted as a growing area for economic and social issues (particularly in the area of health), is substantial. Thus, nanotechnologies are regarded as a lever to speed up and systematize this process. This work aims to evaluate the relevance of this hypothesis. In practice, does the field of "nanos" represent a vector of research renovation and reorganization ? I show that researchers question research policies that political authorities and economic leaders impose. On one hand, I study the characteristics of science policy in the field of "nano" and, on the other hand, the ways in which researchers implement these policies, sometimes significantly changing guidelines provided upstream. I focus my fieldwork on the constitution of the Advanced Technology Institute in Life Sciences (ITAV). It was conceived as a place to promote innovation and technology transfer, notably through the development of nanobiotechnology research. From a Habermasian perspective, I try to supply the theoretical issue about the relationship between the "System" and "Lifeworld" (Habermas, 1987). Thus, I uncover the patterns and forms of resistance from researchers to research policies injunctions whose economic target is questioned. The resistance from researchers is doubly founded : firstly, it is based on strategic considerations, in particular career choices; secondly, it is related to the adherence to values and norms which go beyond economic and political issues.

Cette thèse examine différents facteurs ayant permis la reconfiguration de la sphère privée/domestique, considérée comme le domaine non-politique de la famille et de l’intime, en objet crucial de débat politique et en lieu d’action politique légitime dans l’après-seconde guerre mondiale (1945-1973).Au cœur du processus, trois phénomènes majeurs : la militarisation de l’espace civil privé, la résurgence de l’idéal du « foyer chrétien » dans un climat moraliste et familialiste et la valorisation du foyer consumériste, « centre de la liberté », où se jouait la défense du système capitaliste dans le conflit idéologique opposant les États-Unis à l’U.R.S.S. Durant cette période, l’articulation privé-public s’est vue renégociée, à la faveur du phénomène de politisation du privé et du surcroît de légitimité accordé aux enjeux associés à ce domaine et, par extension, aux femmes censées en garantir l’intégrité. Trois études de cas, s’appuyant sur de riches sources archivistiques jusqu’ici largement inexploitées, permettent de prendre la pleine mesure de cette renégociation et de rendre compte de l’adoption de nouvelles formes de pratiques politiques à domicile (‘kitchen-table activism’) par un grand nombre de femmes blanches des classes moyennes-supérieures. Ce mode d’activisme, réconciliant vie domestique, sociabilité féminine et engagement militant, fut mis au service tant des organisations féminines progressistes et conservatrices que des ‘Women’s Divisions’ des partis politiques. Dans quelle mesure son expansion reflétait-t-elle la politisation de ses adeptes et la hausse de leur participation politique durant une période de latence du mouvement féministe ? Leur engagement en marge de la sphère institutionnelle s’est-il accompagné d’un accroissement de leur représentation en politique ? Ou la période a-t-elle vu, au contraire, leur avancée dans ce champ retardée en raison de cette mobilisation fondée sur une vision traditionnelle des femmes et des relations de genre ? / This thesis examines various factors that have led to the reconfiguration of the private / domestic sphere, considered as the non-political domain of the family and the intimate, as a crucial subject for political debate and as a legitimate place of political action in the aftermath At the heart of the process were three major phenomena: the militarization of private civil space, the resurgence of the ideal of the "Christian home" in a moralist and familialist climate, and the valorization of the home Consumerism, the "center of freedom", where the defense of the capitalist system was played out in the ideological conflict between the United States and the USSR During this period, the private-public articulation was renegotiated, thanks to the phenomenon of politicization of the private sector and the additional legitimacy granted to the stakes associated with this domain and, by extension, to the women who are supposed to guarantee the integrity . Three case studies, based on rich archival sources that have so far been largely untapped, make it possible to take full account of this renegotiation and to account for the adoption of new forms of policy-making at home ('kitchen-table activism ') By ​​a large number of white women of the middle-upper classes. This mode of activism, reconciling domestic life, feminine sociability and militant commitment, was put to the service of progressive and conservative women's organizations as well as women's divisions of political parties. To what extent did its expansion reflect the politicization of its followers and the rise of their political participation during a latent period of the feminist movement ? Have their involvement in the margins of the institutional sphere been accompanied by an increase in their representation in politics ? Or did the period, on the contrary, see their advance in this delayed field because of this mobilization based on a traditional view of women and gender relations ?

Ögonblicksbilder - A discussion about the interactive and choreographic relation between body and spatial object. The eye, an organ with many sections, has a significant role in today’s society. We can choose what is received (news, surroundings, people) and what we turn a blind eye to. The gaze is somewhat physical and the sections within the eye define the space around us. Body and space are in constant relation to one another, choreographed by each other. Together they create a common sphere.

This Thesis is titled The Energy Geopolitics of Russia and its main purpose is to analyze the energy geopolitics of Russia and the country's shifting energeopolitical pivot to Asia, especially to China. The Thesis is divided into three respective sections -- a theoretical approach, Russian geopolitics of energy, and one descriptive and exploratory case study. It strives to answer three main research questions considering Russia's shifting energeopolitical pivot, Ukraine crisis, and the development of Russia's foreign policy in regard to her energy geopolitics.