O processo de reconstituição factual e de reflexão crítica acerca da ditadura civilmilitar de 1964 e de seu legado permanece incompleto e permeado por zonas de silêncio e interdições. Decorridos pouco mais de trinta anos da Lei de Anistia, muitos acontecimentos permanecem desconhecidos ao tempo em que se observa a existência de importantes lacunas nas articulações entre o passado e o presente e, mais especificamente, entre o legado da ditadura e a memória daqueles que a ela se opuseram ativamente. Visando contribuir para o entendimento desse passado, e de seu legado, esta pesquisa procurou caracterizar o protagonismo dos presos políticos na defesa de transformações sociais e na luta contra a ditadura e, ao mesmo tempo, oferecer um panorama reflexivo sobre a construção de suas memórias a respeito dessas lutas e da experiência-limite da tortura e da prisão. Para alcançar esses objetivos, a pesquisa pautou-se por um amplo registro das memórias desses protagonistas por meio da metodologia da História Oral de Vida um conjunto de 90 entrevistas com ex-presos políticos. O que permitiu a coleta de informações até aqui inéditas no que diz respeito à organização dos presos e à atuação dos órgãos repressivos. A execução e desenvolvimento dessa metodologia deram origem a reflexões teóricas que visaram interpretar o material coletado, contextualizando-o crítica e historicamente. Partiu-se, ainda, da premissa de que tais testemunhos, juntamente com os de advogados, familiares e militantes permitiriam aprofundar as pesquisas desenvolvidas sobre as lutas revolucionárias e de resistência; a clandestinidade; as formas institucionais da repressão política e as disputas políticas estabelecidas dentro e fora dos cárceres. Os depoimentos dos ex-presos permitiram, ainda, a análise de suas estratégias de sobrevivência e memória. Tais estratégias foram aqui discutidas à luz dos esforços empreendidos para a compreensão da maneira como eles próprios reorganizaram identidades, constituíram grupos de ação política e definiram maneiras de se relacionar com o legado das experiências-limite. Reconstruir as tramas dessa história, com o suporte do material coletado, apresenta novas possibilidades de interpretação desse período recente da história brasileira cuja atualidade permanece. / The process of reconstituting the facts and of producing a critical analysis of the civilian-military dictatorship of 1964 and its legacy is incomplete and permeated by interdits and silence. After a little more than thirty years of the Amnesty Law, many events remain unknown, while important lacunae abide between the past and the present and, more specifically, between the legacy of the dictatorship and the memory of those who actively opposed it. Aiming to contribute to the understanding of this past and of its legacy, this study sought to describe the protagonism of political prisoners in the defense of social transformation and in the struggle against the dictatorship. At the same time, it aimed to offer a reflective view on the ways former prisoners have constructed their memories of these struggles and of the limit-experience of torture and prison. To achieve these objectives, the study made use of an extensive record of the memories of these protagonists. Using the methodology of Oral Life History, a set of 90 interviews with ex-political prisoners was conducted, allowing the collection of as yet unpublished information relating to the prisoners organization and the actions of the repressive agencies. The execution and development of this methodology gave rise to theoretical reflections which sought to interpret the material collected by contextualizing it critically and historically. The underlying premise was that these testimonies, together with those of lawyers, family members, and militants of the opposition, would allow us to deepen research on revolutionary struggles and resistance, on life in clandestinity, on the institutional forms of political repression, and on the political debates carried on inside and outside the prisons. The testimonies of the former prisoners also made possible an analysis of their strategies for survival and memory. These strategies were discussed here in an effort to understand the way that the ex-prisoners themselves reorganized identities, constructed political action groups, and defined ways of relating to the legacy of limit-experiences. The reconstruction of the frames of this history, based upon the material collected introduces new oportunities for interpretation of this recent period in Brazilian history, which has echoes in the present day.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Angela Maria Santana Carvalho.pdf: 1773545 bytes, checksum: 572d1633886fe67d1c1c9e04035fcc25 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-06 / This thesis is about the Reform of the State Apparatus, known as Managerial Reform of the State in Brazil, that was performed in the first Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration, at Bresser-Pereira s leadership. It s an empirical work about the conception, negociation and implementation of the Reform of the State Apparatus, and identifies the political actors and political arenas, facilitators factors and challenges faced along the way. Finally, it is discussed its results towards the republican rights / Esta tese é sobre a Reforma do Aparelho do Estado, conhecida como Reforma Gerencial do Estado no Brasil, que foi empreendida no primeiro mandato de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) na Presidência da República, sob a liderança de Bresser-Pereira. Trata-se de trabalho empírico sobre a concepção, negociação e implementação da reforma do aparelho do Estado, identificando seus atores políticos e arenas, fatores facilitadores e desafios enfrentados no decorrer desse processo. Ao final, é discutido o que significa a reforma gerencial para a afirmação da quarta geração de direitos dos cidadãos, denominada direito à res pública, mediante o controle social, a eficiência e eficácia das políticas públicas implementadas pelo Estado

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Angela Maria Santana Carvalho.pdf: 1773545 bytes, checksum: 572d1633886fe67d1c1c9e04035fcc25 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-11-06 / This thesis is about the Reform of the State Apparatus, known as Managerial Reform of the State in Brazil, that was performed in the first Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration, at Bresser-Pereira s leadership. It s an empirical work about the conception, negociation and implementation of the Reform of the State Apparatus, and identifies the political actors and political arenas, facilitators factors and challenges faced along the way. Finally, it is discussed its results towards the republican rights / Esta tese é sobre a Reforma do Aparelho do Estado, conhecida como Reforma Gerencial do Estado no Brasil, que foi empreendida no primeiro mandato de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) na Presidência da República, sob a liderança de Bresser-Pereira. Trata-se de trabalho empírico sobre a concepção, negociação e implementação da reforma do aparelho do Estado, identificando seus atores políticos e arenas, fatores facilitadores e desafios enfrentados no decorrer desse processo. Ao final, é discutido o que significa a reforma gerencial para a afirmação da quarta geração de direitos dos cidadãos, denominada direito à res pública, mediante o controle social, a eficiência e eficácia das políticas públicas implementadas pelo Estado

台灣原住民族廣播自1945年以降發展至今，各時期的廣播政策與現象因當時的國內政經、科技等局勢的變遷，而台灣原住民族廣播相關政策與現象發展隨之變化。然而我國以政經之傳播史學觀點探究至今仍乏人問津，政府的原住民族廣播相關政策也未有完詳的連貫性回顧與剖析，並且我國原住民族廣播至今尚未有專屬政策與法規，因此原住民族廣播發展背後的引導因素乃值得深度探索。 本研究以1945後至今各年代的我國政經發展為論述脈絡，乃包括台灣光復初期、解嚴前後、十梯次廣播頻道開放、蘭嶼廣播電台的創立、政府獎勵補助時期等年代，透過產官學之文獻資料蒐集，以及相關政府部門、第三部門與廣播人士的深度訪談，結合原住民族政經結構與廣播發展雙管齊下的史料分析，希冀達到史料與政經脈絡的對話。本研究核心乃著重在剖析各年代政府在原住民族廣播政策的規劃，並以多方比照的角度觀看解嚴前後國家機器力量透過哪些資源、營運類型與管道對原住民族發聲，以及探討解嚴前後原住民族在廣播營運所有權、語言近用等權利轉變情況。 根據本研究結果指出，1945年至解嚴前是政府國家機器掌控原住民族廣播發聲管道，並以山地平地化政策透過各行政部門對原住民族廣播訊息。解嚴後十梯次廣播頻道開放與廣播節目獎勵補助政策，以及各種跡象可得知政府、漢人與私人資本掌控當今原住民族廣播之營運，原住民族廣播之營運所有權仍掌控在漢人手中。本研究從史學觀點回顧原住民族廣播發展，殷盼不僅從中找尋各年代的廣播發展的歷程，解構原住民族廣播發展困境的背後意涵，並彙整原住民族廣播史料，供相關產官學界反思與借鏡。

O processo de reconstituição factual e de reflexão crítica acerca da ditadura civilmilitar de 1964 e de seu legado permanece incompleto e permeado por zonas de silêncio e interdições. Decorridos pouco mais de trinta anos da Lei de Anistia, muitos acontecimentos permanecem desconhecidos ao tempo em que se observa a existência de importantes lacunas nas articulações entre o passado e o presente e, mais especificamente, entre o legado da ditadura e a memória daqueles que a ela se opuseram ativamente. Visando contribuir para o entendimento desse passado, e de seu legado, esta pesquisa procurou caracterizar o protagonismo dos presos políticos na defesa de transformações sociais e na luta contra a ditadura e, ao mesmo tempo, oferecer um panorama reflexivo sobre a construção de suas memórias a respeito dessas lutas e da experiência-limite da tortura e da prisão. Para alcançar esses objetivos, a pesquisa pautou-se por um amplo registro das memórias desses protagonistas por meio da metodologia da História Oral de Vida um conjunto de 90 entrevistas com ex-presos políticos. O que permitiu a coleta de informações até aqui inéditas no que diz respeito à organização dos presos e à atuação dos órgãos repressivos. A execução e desenvolvimento dessa metodologia deram origem a reflexões teóricas que visaram interpretar o material coletado, contextualizando-o crítica e historicamente. Partiu-se, ainda, da premissa de que tais testemunhos, juntamente com os de advogados, familiares e militantes permitiriam aprofundar as pesquisas desenvolvidas sobre as lutas revolucionárias e de resistência; a clandestinidade; as formas institucionais da repressão política e as disputas políticas estabelecidas dentro e fora dos cárceres. Os depoimentos dos ex-presos permitiram, ainda, a análise de suas estratégias de sobrevivência e memória. Tais estratégias foram aqui discutidas à luz dos esforços empreendidos para a compreensão da maneira como eles próprios reorganizaram identidades, constituíram grupos de ação política e definiram maneiras de se relacionar com o legado das experiências-limite. Reconstruir as tramas dessa história, com o suporte do material coletado, apresenta novas possibilidades de interpretação desse período recente da história brasileira cuja atualidade permanece. / The process of reconstituting the facts and of producing a critical analysis of the civilian-military dictatorship of 1964 and its legacy is incomplete and permeated by interdits and silence. After a little more than thirty years of the Amnesty Law, many events remain unknown, while important lacunae abide between the past and the present and, more specifically, between the legacy of the dictatorship and the memory of those who actively opposed it. Aiming to contribute to the understanding of this past and of its legacy, this study sought to describe the protagonism of political prisoners in the defense of social transformation and in the struggle against the dictatorship. At the same time, it aimed to offer a reflective view on the ways former prisoners have constructed their memories of these struggles and of the limit-experience of torture and prison. To achieve these objectives, the study made use of an extensive record of the memories of these protagonists. Using the methodology of Oral Life History, a set of 90 interviews with ex-political prisoners was conducted, allowing the collection of as yet unpublished information relating to the prisoners organization and the actions of the repressive agencies. The execution and development of this methodology gave rise to theoretical reflections which sought to interpret the material collected by contextualizing it critically and historically. The underlying premise was that these testimonies, together with those of lawyers, family members, and militants of the opposition, would allow us to deepen research on revolutionary struggles and resistance, on life in clandestinity, on the institutional forms of political repression, and on the political debates carried on inside and outside the prisons. The testimonies of the former prisoners also made possible an analysis of their strategies for survival and memory. These strategies were discussed here in an effort to understand the way that the ex-prisoners themselves reorganized identities, constructed political action groups, and defined ways of relating to the legacy of limit-experiences. The reconstruction of the frames of this history, based upon the material collected introduces new oportunities for interpretation of this recent period in Brazilian history, which has echoes in the present day.

Multiculturalism and the merging of local communities with immigrants demands glocal policies in various sectors—especially in education. In order to successfully integrate immigrants, language acquisition is oftentimes the first initiative educators and politicians regard as one of the most essential attributes for successful and prompt integration. However, language acquisition cannot be separated from the need to bridge communities and their different values, tradition, ideologies, and identities based on their cultural heritages and religious affiliations. In order to properly respond to newly-emerging glocal dynamics in, for instance, classrooms, it is crucial to understand the shifts in racisms from black versus white to East versus West. Therefore, concepts need to consider different dynamics and embrace issues related to gender, sexuality, skin color, habitus, social, financial, and cultural capital, as well as educational achievement (gaps) on an interdisciplinary level. While seeking to find appropriate adaptations of school curricula, it is necessary to not try to run before one can walk—in other words—to not try to let educators teach before they have been taught cross-cultural communication. In addition, racisms cannot be limited to conflicts between immigrants and non-immigrants; racisms also occur among a homogeneous group. The complexity of reuniting and/or integrating various immigrant, non-immigrant, (Middle) Eastern and Western identities and their (intercultural) belonging is critical because of the various circumstances and settings that need to be considered for responding to linguistic, cultural, social, psychological, educational, and financial matters individually. Although there is not one concrete theoretical framework or outcome that can be applied for integration; this dissertation thesis functions as a roadmap for becoming more aware of regional and international struggles. Despite the multifaceted approaches that need to be combined and implemented in terms of second language acquisition, updated teacher training, cross-cultural policies, access to social services and support systems, etc., the education sector remains the foundation for prospective integration: Integrative and multiculturally-aware education provides the glocal society with intercultural and interdisciplinary-applicable assets and capitals. Such abilities help create a politically, socially, financially, culturally, and educationally responsible future embracing transatlantic intermingling instead of oppressing Otherness. Local and global communities benefit from better-adjusted and well-integrated immigrant families and students. The better societies and politics educate, integrate, and value non-locals, the more societies will benefit culturally, socially, politically, and economically from the glocal population. The newly-introduced PIC SAM guidelines provide, in cooperation with key actors and community-centered programs for immigrants and non-immigrants, a roadmap for combining theory and practice in glocal contexts.:Table of Contents vi List of Figures, Tables, and Illustrations x Chapter One 1 Personal Narrative and Relevance: Education as Powerful Integration Tool 1 Rationale, Overview, and Global Integration and Education 7 Theoretical Framework and Methodological Approaches 14 Terminology 17 Steps for Globally-Adjusted Integration and Education 29 Step 1: Understanding Legal Challenges of Turkish Immigrants 29 Step 2: Understanding that Not Every Middle Easterner is a Muslim 33 Step 3: Starting Successful Integration in Kindergarten 33 Step 4: Nurturing Integration Instead of Oppressing Immigration 36 Step 5: Adapting CRT—From Colorblind to Headscarfblind 39 Step 6: Taking the Education Exit for Integration 43 Step 7: Taking the Education Exit to Integration 44 Step 8: Sprucing Up the Headscarf Image 45 Chapter Two 48 Literature Review 48 Chapter Three 103 “Other” Ideologies and Identities—Theoretical Approaches 103 (1) How to Approach Different Ideologies 103 (2) Reasons for Othering and Biased Headscarf Images 103 (3) Disempowering the Exotic Other 104 (4) The Danger of Ill-Ideologies 106 (5) Ideologies as Utopia and Fantasy 108 (6) Capitalization and Mass Economization of Identities and Ideologies 109 (7) Institutionalization of the ISA (aka the School) 110 Chapter Four 113 Individuals are Always-Already Subjects of Ideology 113 Concepts Creating the Multifaceted Constructions of Ideology 114 (1) Ideology as A-Historical 114 (2) Is Ideology “Real” or an Illusion? 115 (3) Individuals are Always-Already Subjects (of Ideology) 116 (4) Subjects within a Mass-Produced Media (Ill)Ideology 117 (5) Shift: From Dominant via Repressed Ideology to State Apparatus 119 (6) Concluding Thoughts on Ideologies 120 Chapter Five 123 Race as Product of Social, Political, and Educational Thought 123 Chapter Six 128 Shifts in Racisms: Whitewashed—From Black to (Middle) East 128 The Wende within Immigration and Globalization 134 (1) History and Its Effect on Pre- and Post-Activism 134 (2) GDR Museums—(False?) Nostalgia in Times of Globalization 141 (3) Cross-Generational Racisms and Racialized White Others 145 Chapter Seven 149 Different Social and Cultural Capitals: East vs. West (German) Habitus 149 Adapting Bourdieu’s Habitus to Different Contexts 151 Comparative Examples: Disadvantaged Groups in the Education Sector 154 Getting to the Nitty-Gritty: The Case of Oscar 156 Concluding the Nitty-Gritty: Political Trust and Progressive Educators 165 Chapter Eight 170 Reverse Activisms: The Importance of Transnational Post-Activism 170 Tear Down that Church! 173 Transferring Activism from the GDR to the 21st Century 177 From “Teaching” Activism to “Doing” Activism 181 East versus West: Striving for Balanced Activisms 184 Activism, Aktivismus, and Activisme—or Negativism? 187 Chapter Nine 190 Adapting and Diversifying CRT 190 Teaching and Learning German and Intercultural Communication 195 Global and Anti-Racist Pedagogies In- and Outside of Schools 200 Roadmap for Changing (the) Dynamics in Germany’s Education 203 (1) Cross-Language Policies: Bilingualism for Everyone 203 (2) Current Challenges in Germany’s Education System 207 (3) Key Actors and Levels in Addressing the Integration Problem(s) 208 (4) Solution Approaches 210 Chapter Ten 212 Glocal Frameworks: Adding “Bi-Religionism” to Bilingualism & Biculturalism 212 Getting to the Nitty-Gritty: The Case of Mo 215 Educational Policy Recommendations 224 Concluding the Nitty-Gritty 230 Chapter Eleven 233 Outlook and Conclusion: Striving for Glocal Awareness and Activist Change 233 References 243 Endnotes 263

This dissertation investigates the brand identities of the South African Broadcasting Corporation television channels SABC1, SABC2 and SABC3 during the first decade of the 2000s (from 2000 to 2009). The study explores the manifestation and dissemination of dominant political ideologies and myths by the SABC television channels and their respective brand identities. It is argued that SABC television channels are structured and organised according to specific brand ideologies that match dominant political ideologies prevalent in South Africa. This is evident from the manner in which these channels have been organised, defined and redefined over the past years, and also from the self-promotional visual imagery shown by the television channels. The visual brand identities of each channel create the elements that make up each channel’s visual vocabulary, and each visual vocabulary in turn contributes to notions of “South Africanness” and definitions of South African identity. The study also explores the main concepts of ideology theory as a critical discursive practice to assist in a better understanding of the power relations in the SABC and its channel brands in particular. Some developments and changes in the SABC brand identities and the organisation of its television channels are studied from a historical perspective and correlated with ideology theory. In order to do this, the study also draws from semiotic theory. The author notes the semiotic quality of a brand and argues that the process of branding, the process of semiosis and the process of the dissemination of political ideologies bear structural resemblance. Basic definitions and key concepts of branding and corporate identity contribute to an enhanced understanding of the visual brand identities of the SABC television channels. An exploration of the elements specific to television channel branding helps to determine the signs, codes and meanings in SABC television channel branding. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Visual Arts / unrestricted

TITLE: The Philosophy of Louis Althusser in his ‚theoreticist' period AUTHOR: Petr Kužel DEPARTMENT: Social Sciences and Philosophy, Department SUPERVISOR: Mgr. Michael Hauser Ph.D. ABSTRACT: The thesis focuses on a philosophy of Louis Althusser in his "teoreticist" period, i.e. 1960-1967. The work is divided to four essentials sections: epistemology, ontology, psychoanalyse and ideology. We put accent on epistemological problematic, which is in this period of a development of Althusser's philosophy unequivocally dominant. In introduction of this text is explained historical and political context, in which Althusser realized his "theoretical intervention". The thesis treat on Althusser's conviction, that inadequate theory leads to deformed political practice and that Marxist theory exists till now in his "applied form", notably in The Capital. According to Althusser this Marxist theory wasn't adequately theoretically formed. Our work characterises Althusser's tentative to create and theoretically formulate this theory. This Althusser's tentative is connected with an effort to draw a "line of demarcation" between the Marxism and the pre-Marxist idealist notions, which are foreign to authentic Marxism. Althusser's critique focuses on Stalinism, "theoretical humanism", empiricism and Hegelianism. In present...

1987年國父紀念館女性員工因懷孕而遭到雇主解雇的事件發生，促使婦女新知基金會檢討台灣女性的工作權益，並於1989年草擬完成一部專屬勞動婦女的「男女工作平等法」草案。但從法案的提出到三讀通過卻歷經了12年之久，因而誘發作者想瞭解到底是國家部門刻意忽視女性的權益，或有其它的結構性因素的操作延宕法案的通過。 過去國家機器與資本家是建立在「共謀」關係上，因此，法案的提出勢必影響兩者的「共謀」關係。丙國家如何在不傷及資本家又能顧及女性勞動利益下，制訂出「兩性工作平等法」。國家尋求哪些不同的解決途徑？資本力量又是如何鑲嵌在政治勢力中對法案產生嚴重的阻撓作用？法案的通過是否代表婦運團體對於國家機器與資本主義運作的挑戰成功？ 本文目的在於釐清婦運如何挑戰國家機器與市場機制，而制定出保障婦女的法令政策，同時在整個推法過程中，新知如何逼使國家提出相對法案。文中也將呈現資本家如何透過在立法院的代言人影響法案的通過與制定，以及在整個立法過程中，婦運團體如何顛覆父權思想與資本主義體系的運作邏輯。因此，除了探究職場中存在哪些性別不平等的結構事實外，還必須剖析這些現象的產生是因結構、制度因素而成的，或是婦運變遷的結果。以及到底是國家部門刻意忽視女性的權益，或是因為其他的結構性因素的操作而不能完成立法。 在資本主義下女性除了面臨職場內兩性不平等的對待外，更要擔負沈重的家務責任。但對於這些不平等的對待，過去並未有學者深入分析研究。第二章即說明女性因料理家務未就業、因懷孕生子退出勞動市場等行為何以稱為是「就業歧視」。經濟學觀點、社會文化觀點又如何看待女性勞動，女性主義觀點對於父權及資本主義叉提出哪些批判？ 第三章將論述80年代末期台灣政治結構轉型加速了社會運動的發展，其中社會運動的特質、運動方式及策略有哪些？婦女運動與社會運動有何不同之處何在？本章主要論述社會運動與婦女運動問的關係以及婦女運動中的「兩性工作平等法」的出現，與台灣政經脈絡及社會結構有何種關係。 第四章將陳明國家與資本家如何回應婦運團體的立法？此外，並論述婦運團體如何推法，運用哪些運動策略以及如何將女性主義實踐在法律條文中，便其成為體制或制度的一部分。最後，本章將側重國家在法案推動過程中角色的扮演。國家在法案推動過程中，是否一如過去馬克思主義所言是資本階級的代言者，或是國家在法案中另有其政策考量？為何國家態度從原先的拖延到主動提出相對版本，甚至有轉為積極的態度？ 第五章則在於論述「兩性工作平等法」如何挑戰資本主義市場運作？而它的出現又是如何制衡資本主義市場對女性勞動者的過度剝削或歧視行為？女性主義如何將其理念實踐在法條中，對資本主義與父權進行更進一步的挑戰？如第四章所論，國家過去與資本家關係密切，所以在不願得罪資本家的態度下一直拖延法案審查。資本家透過哪些管道間接或直接影響法案本身的推動？運用哪些方式阻撓法案的通過？婦運團體又運用哪些策略與戰術逼使國家正視法案且最終通過三讀。 關鍵字：國家機器、父權、資本主義、婦女運動、女性主義、「兩性工作平等法」、婦女新知基金會 / In 1987, female employees who worked in Sun-Yet-Sen Memorial Hall, were laid off because of their pregnancy, thus promoting the Awakening Foundation to look back to the bill regarding female labor in Taiwan, and the draft belongs to laboring women-The Men and Women Equal Employment Bill was finished In 1989, but it took 12 years from the lift to the passing of the three-read, so this induced the author to want to understand if the government ignored the rights of women on purpose or are there other constant factors which caused the delay of the passing of the draft. In the past, the state apparatus and the capitalists were built on collusion; thus, the lifting of the Bill must affect the relationship of the collusion of the two. Therefore, the state must decide on the Equal Employment Bill without hurting all capitalists while caring for the interests of women. What solution is our government seeking? How is capital power embedded in the political power frustrating the effect to the law? Does the passing of the Bill successfully present the women group to challenge the operation of state apparatus and capitalism? The aim of this article is to clarify the women movement challenging the state apparatus and marketing organism, to make relative laws of state guarding the women while promoting the laws how Awakening stops our government to offer relative laws. This article shows how the capitalists have affected the passing and making of the law through legislators, and in the whole process of making the law, how the women group overthrow the operating logic of patriarchy and capitalism. Thus, aside from discussing what unfair structural facts exist in the working field, we must dissect whether the producing of phenomenon belong to structure or institutional factor or the outcome of the change of women movement, and is the state ignoring women's right purposely or there are other institutional factors that prevents the Bill from being passed. Aside from facing the unfair treatment in the working field under capitalism, women also need to bear the heavy burden of a caring for the family. In the past, no scholars analyzed and researched these unfair treatments. The second chapter informs us how women quit working because of family duty or pregnancy, either of which is considered a discrimination, how the economical opinion or social-cultural opinion looks at women labor, and what is the opinion of feminists opposing and criticize patriarchy and capitalism? The third chapter discusses the political transformation of Taiwan by the end of the eighties, which accelerated the social movement development, discussing what character, ways and tactics of the social movement, and the difference between women movement and social movement. In this chapter, we'll talk about the relationship of the social movement and women movement, and the appearance of the Equal Employment Bill in the women movement? What kind of relationship is there between the political and economic contexts, and social structure in Taiwan. The forth chapter talks about how the state and capitalists respond to the women group pushing the Bill? Even more, I will discuss how women group was able to complete the bill, what actions they used and how feminism was realized the law, promoting these to become part of the apparatus or the institution. In the end, this chapter will focus on the role-playing of the state in this Bill. In the process of pushing the Bill, according to Marxism: is state the spokesman of capital class, or are there other considerations in the policy? How come the attitude of the state from originally delaying the passing of the bill to actively offering relative solutions, even turning to aggressive attitude? The fifth chapter discusses how the Equal Employment Bill challenges the work of capitalism, and how its appearance balances capitalism's work over women labor to exploit or discriminate them too much? How does feminism, realized in the Bill, challenges capitalism and patriarchy? As what we have discussed in the fourth chapter, state and capitalists are very much related in the past, so the state constantly delays the examination of the Equal Employment Bill so as not to offend the capitalists. Through what do the capitalists frustrate the Bill directly or indirectly? What ways do they use to frustrate the completion of the Bill? And what ploy and tactics do women groups use to make our state facing up to the Bill and eventually pass the three-read. How did feminism challenge capitalism and patriarchy, thus improving or advancing the practice of law? Key Words : state apparatus、patriarchy、capitalism、women movement、feminism、Equal Employment Bill、Awakening Foundation

赫爾曼．梅爾維爾(Herman Melville)的小說《白鯨記》(Moby-Dick, 1851)以其極富深度的思維吸引著讀者，並將捕鯨船上的生活百態萌發為哲學領域的思考。《白鯨記》富有多重意義的特徵使之不乏多面向的解讀，其中若以「海上旅行」作為分析的視角切入，《白鯨記》的成就將益加彰顯。《白鯨記》體現了旅行者如何因心態的不同影響其感知，在伊息默爾(Ishmael)所重述的故事中，以「遇見他者」(encounter the other)的論點觀之，能夠促進存在於伊息默爾與亞哈船長(Captain Ahab)之間相異處的瞭解。自兩者身為彼此殊異的旅行者的對比中，探討旅行者是否真實地「遇見他者」與經歷轉變的過程，本論文將伊息默爾視為能夠真實「遇見他者」的旅行者，亞哈則因其狹隘的復仇心態導致他無法獲得「遇見他者」的機會。 　　緊接著檢視不同旅行者的探討後，對於旅行者更深層的審視將以德勒茲(Gilles Deleuze)與葛塔力(Félix Guattari)的「游牧理論」(nomadology)進行推論，從游牧推衍的概念如：「戰爭機器」(war-machine)與「國家機器」(the State apparatus)，適以處理由伊息默爾、亞哈船長與莫比．迪克(Moby Dick)所構築的關係維度。以啟迪於游牧學的反抗思維進行分析，使得亞哈的捕鯨之旅不再僅是被動地受對莫比．迪克的仇恨牽引，更是蘊藏著亞哈本身具備的能動性。游牧理論能夠開展無法以偏執狂(monomaniac)化約亞哈的特質，讓對亞哈追逐莫比．迪克的解析更形豐富，亞哈不僅具備「國家機器」的控制作為，也擁有「戰爭機器」的抵抗能力。此外，本論文更援引德勒茲與葛塔力的「變成動物」(becoming-animal)理論藉以瞭解亞哈與莫比．迪克之間可能的（變成）關係，「變成」(becoming)理論的應用並非強調外在型體上的相似，而是闡述亞哈身處與莫比．迪克居中關係內所經歷的非形體轉變，亞哈透過「逃逸線」(lines of flight)的模式，使之身處「變成莫比迪克」(becoming-Moby Dick)的進程，藉以顯示其強烈欲望的能量流動。 　　總體上，本論文旨在將「游牧」與「變成」理論的特質帶入《白鯨記》的文本中，產生進一步的對話空間，能使讀者從僅視《白鯨記》為單純冒險式的捕鯨敘事中進入「游牧思想」體現的思辨過程。 / Herman Melville’s Moby-Dick (1851) captivates readers with its exuberance and renders the experiences of shipboard life into a source of philosophy. Moby-Dick bears manifold characteristics worthy of exploration. Among the multiple entries into the literary research, Moby-Dick’s achievement becomes evident when being analyzed from the perspective of sea journey. Moby-Dick manifests how a traveler’s mind-set influences her/his perception along the way on the sea journey. In light of encounters with the other, Ishmael’s recounted narrative assists in the understanding of the distinction between him and Captain Ahab as different travelers. The contrast between Ishmael and Ahab concerns whether they really encounter the other and undergo transformation. This thesis considers Ishmael as a traveler who really encounters the other while Ahab keeps his one-track mind-set on his revenge, which halts the chance for his encounter with the other. Following the examination of different travelers, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s nomadology would be applied to further the reading of travelers. The triangular dimension among Ishmael, Ahab and Moby Dick is interpreted with the concepts derived from nomadology such as a war-machine and the State apparatus. Mainly focused on the power of resistance highlighted from nomadology, Ahab’s whale hunt deserves more attention to mobility rather than to the passiveness channeled by his revenge upon Moby Dick. More than what the monomaniac can show, the theory of nomadology would potentially enrich the analysis of Ahab’s pursuit of Moby Dick. Ahab plays both a role of the controlling force like the State apparatus and a role of the resisting power like the war-machine. Besides nomadology, Deleuze and Guattari also employ becoming-animal to suggest the possible inspirational resonance between Ahab and Moby Dick. Instead of an emphasis on the physical resemblance, “becoming” sheds light on the incorporeal transformation which Ahab undergoes within the in-between relationship with Moby Dick. Through his “lines of flight,” Ahab has been involved in becoming-Moby Dick to assert his energy flow out of the intense desire. Overall, this thesis aims at generating more dialogue by bringing nomadology and becoming in the context of Moby-Dick. This incorporation would allow readers to consider Moby-Dick as the manifestation of Deleuze and Guattari’s “nomad thought” rather than as a mere whale-hunting story of adventure.