Com o objetivo de pensar o cuidado entre a tutela e a garantia de direitos humanos, através da ação do Conselho Tutelar, esta pesquisa foi composta a partir de narrativas jornalísticas de casos em que atuaram conselheiros/as, trazidas enquanto disparadores analíticos, desde uma produção teórica informada no campo das cartografias, utilizando como método o caso-pensamento. Pesquisas e levantamentos de dados sobre Conselhos e conselheiros/as tutelares foram também utilizados como fontes de visualização dessa agência protetiva, assim como outras produções acadêmicas e militantes para favorecer-enriquecer diálogos no percurso. Nos trânsitos textuais emergiram relações intrincadas entre diversas agências do Sistema de Garantia de Direitos Humanos de Crianças e Adolescentes (SGDHCA), estabelecidas em leis e outras normas e nos encontros das gentes que dizem da existência das teias construídas e reconstruídas, da intervenção estatal em famílias, especialmente pobres, no Brasil contemporâneo. Contextos que foram explorados ainda a partir do Governo de Crianças (e adolescentes), refletindo sobre a possibilidade de agência dos/as próprios/as sujeitos/as de direitos, construída discursiva e legalmente no texto do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente, desde os cenários de práticas cotejados. / With the purpose of reflecting on the issue of care with regard to guardianship and the assurance of human rights from actions carried out by the Guardianship Council, this survey was made up by journalistic accounts of cases on which councilors have worked, brought in as analytical triggers, from a theoretical production based on the mapping field, using case-thinking as a working method. Studies and surveys using data on Guardianship Councils and/or councilors were also used as viewing sources for this protective entity, as well as other academic and militant productions, with the purpose of benefiting-enriching dialogs during this path. In the texts, intricate relationships were found between several entities from the System for the Assurance of Human Rights for Children and Adolescents (SGDHCA), created and governed by laws and other regulations, and by people congregating, and these relationships say a lot about the existence of built and rebuilt networks for the intervention of the State in the family unit, especially poor families, in contemporary Brazil. Contexts that were also explored from the concept of governance of children (and adolescents), reflecting on the possibility of actions from these right-holders themselves, built on a discourse and legal basis according to the text of the Child and Adolescent Statute, starting from the practice scenarios that have been compared.

As relações políticas existentes na construção do planejamento das cidades brasileiras constituem o objeto de pesquisa desta tese de doutorado. Apesar da criação do Estatuto da Cidade, em 2001, pouco se avançou na garantia do direito à cidade para aquelas pessoas que mais sofrem com as diversas desigualdades sociais, construídas historicamente sob um leque de privilégios de grupos dominantes nas cidades. Entre esses grupos estão os empresários que, reunidos em associações, pautam firmemente as ações estatais, sobretudo as políticas urbanas, desde as metrópoles até as pequenas cidades. Para analisar tal ação política, utilizaremos a teoria do rent-seeking, amplamente difundida na Economia e na Ciência Política. Esta tese busca provar a existência de um rent-seeking urbano, pois o que está em disputa na cidade é a renda a partir da terra urbana, maximizando lucros e expandindo as fronteiras da acumulação do capital, o qual está imbricado em uma extensa rede financeira global e se expressa nas cidades, lócus da reprodução da vida dos cidadãos. Aplicaremos essa tese ao caso da cidade de Joinville, situada no estado de Santa Catarina, detentora da terceira maior população da região Sul do país. Joinville possui uma grande articulação de entidades empresariais com poderoso capital político, capaz de influenciar os diversos grupos sociais e políticos locais. A partir da criação do Plano Diretor de Joinville, em 2008, coincidindo com o período da grande expansão do setor imobiliário brasileiro, novos interesses entram em disputa. Para garantir o rent-seeking urbano, a coalizão de empresários precisou realinhar conservadoramente as instâncias da democracia participativa, financiar campanhas eleitorais e exercer lobbies sob os principais marcos legais em discussão. Excluindo, assim, aqueles que contestam os privilégios políticos de alguns grupos e desmandos empresariais. / The existing political relations on construction of urban planning in Brazilian cities are the research object of this doctoral thesis. Despite the creation of the City Statute in 2001, little progress was made in guaranteeing city rights for those people who suffer most with several social inequalities, historically built under a range of privileges from dominant groups in the cities. Among these groups there are entrepreneurs who participate in associations and debate firmly on state actions, mainly urban politics, from metropolis to small cities. To analyze this political action the rent-seeking theory, which is widely used on Economy and Political Science, will be used. This thesis aims to prove the existence of urban rent-seeking, because what's on stake in the city is the wealth provision of urban land, maximizing profits and expanding the borders of capital accumulation, which is interwoven into an extensive financial network and this is expressed in the cities, locus of citizen's lives. This thesis will be applied in Joinville city, located in Santa Catarina state, with the third largest population of the country's southern region. Joinville has a great political business entities articulation with plenty political power which influences several social and political groups. With the creation of Joinville masterplan in 2008, coinciding with the expansion of Brazilian real estate industry, new interests are in disputation. To ensure the urban rent-seeking, the coalition of entrepreneurs needed realign conservatively the participatory democracy, fund election campaigns and lobby the principals legal frameworks in discussion. Thereby, excluding those who contest political privilege of some groups and business entities.

As ZEIS (Zonas Especiais de Interesse Social) foram implantadas no Brasil num contexto de transição democrática, no início dos anos de 1980, e desde então se consolidaram conceitualmente e na legislação urbanística como um dos principais instrumentos da luta pela Reforma Urbana. Duas modalidades prevaleceram neste histórico: as ZEIS de áreas vazias, não utilizadas ou subutilizadas -- que tem a intenção de estimular a produção de Habitação de Interesse Social (HIS) -- e as ZEIS de áreas ocupadas por assentamentos precários (favelas, loteamentos irregulares, conjuntos habitacionais de promoção pública) -- que devem cumprir o objetivo de facilitar a regularização urbanística e fundiária ao admitir parâmetros físicos diferentes daqueles estabelecidos pelas leis e normas. O presente trabalho aborda o instrumento urbanístico -- que é afinal a categoria de Zoneamento Urbano que demarca nos mapas os territórios habitados pelas classes populares -- observando em seu histórico algumas das contradições e os discursos que prometem realizar a integração dessas classes à cidade, pelo reconhecimento (fato consumado) ou pela produção de habitações em terra urbana bem localizada (nó). Essas análises estão ancoradas em um conjunto de impasses da política (e da política urbana) contemporânea no Brasil, onde reformas têm sido implementadas, elevando níveis de consumo, emprego e rendimentos na base da pirâmide social, sem que, contudo, haja alterações nas estruturas que condicionam a própria desigualdade. / The ZEIS (Special Zones of Social Concern) were implemented in Brazil in the context of democratic transition in the early 1980s, and has since consolidated conceptually and in the urban law as a major instrument in the struggle for Urban Reform. Two categories prevailed in history: ZEIS of empty, unused or underused areas -- which intends to stimulate the production of social and affordable housing (HIS) -- and ZEIS of areas occupied by slums (favelas, subdivisions, public social housing) -- which aim to facilitate settlement and urban land regularization, in the moment it allows special parameters, other than those established by the laws and regulations. This thesis discusses the urban instrument -- which is after all the category of Urban Zoning that show in the maps the territories inhabited by the popular classes -- noting on his historic some contradictions and speeches that promise to achieve the integration of these classes to the city, for recognition (fait accompli) or the production of social and affordable housing in well located urban land (node). These analyzes are anchored in a set of policy (and urban policy) impasses in contemporary Brazil, where reforms have been implemented, increasing levels of consumption, employment and income in the base of the social pyramid, however, without changes structures that affect the very inequality.

A pesquisa: \"Conselhos Tutelares e Escolas Públicas de São Paulo: O diálogo preciso teve por objetivo ampliar o debate entre as escolas públicas e os 35 Conselhos Tutelares implantados na cidade da São Paulo, conforme os preceitos do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente - ECA (Lei Federal 8069/90). Ao investigar as requisições que as escolas demandaram aos CTs de suas regiões, entre 2001 e 2006, procuramos analisar a resistência das escolas à legislação do ECA. Por que as escolas teriam somente uma relação burocrática com o CT e não seriam instituições parceiras na garantia dos direitos infanto-juvenis? Entre os nossos pressupostos e convicções, a construção histórica da escola pública brasileira concebida no ideário liberal traduziria em parte a resistência à universalização do ECA, pois o discurso liberal meritocrático defende direitos apenas para os que se esforçam e que cumprem com os seus deveres, portanto, merecedores dos direitos. Outro fator preponderante à recusa da vivência do ECA no cotidiano escolar seria a perpetuação de um modelo autoritário da gestão escolar, no qual, o exercício do poder ainda está centralizado na figura do diretor(a) da escola, o que dificulta a participação da comunidade no interior da escola, bem como, a possibilidade de ação de um agente externo, como o conselheiro tutelar. Nossa pesquisa tem por referencial teórico o pesquisador Antonio Gramsci, o que significa compreender os conselheiros tutelares enquanto intelectuais orgânicos da classe trabalhadora que pressionam o Estado à universalização dos direitos sociais, bem como compreender os Conselhos Tutelares e as escolas públicas enquanto espaços públicos com potencial transformador mediante o fortalecimento da democracia participativa no interior de tais órgãos. O diálogo preciso entre os organismos que compõe da Rede de Proteção Integral dos direitos das crianças e adolescentes significa consensuar o ECA como orientação mestra para a construção de uma sociedade mais justa e democrática. / The research: \"Protective Councils and Public Schools of São Paulo: The precise dialogue! Had as its goal objective the analysis of the correspondences dynamics between public schools and the thirty-five Protective Councils inserted in São Paulo City, according to the rules of \"ECA - Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente\"[Infant and Juvenile Statute - Federal Law no. 8069/90]. The project emphasis lies over the contradiction between the new law\'s radicalism and the total complete protection Doctrine, besides the scholastic quotidian which still shares on the irregular situation Doctrine. The present study comprehended the investigation of the performance of the protective councils on the scope of requirements made by schools from 2001 to 2006. As well, the vision of teachers of 10 public schools in São Paulo City concerning to the performance of the protective counselors. Through the protective councils\' documents analysis questionnaires and interviews, we shall point questions that either make easy or make difficult the relations between public schools and the protective councils. This research has as its theorical system of references the researcher Antonio Gramsci; this, both protective councils and public schools were defended considered as public spaces of transforming potential over the strengthening of participative democracy inside these entities.

A desapropriação, instituto de direito público, ao longo dos tempos, vem sofrendo profundas modificações, as quais são abordadas no presente trabalho, analisadas a partir da evolução histórica da matéria no direito alienígena e no brasileiro. Após discorrermos sobre o conceito de desapropriação, seus elementos e características, bem como tecermos comentários sobre as diversas espécies de desapropriação, passamos ao estudo de três normas recentes que tiveram relevante impacto sobre os contornos do instituto: a Lei de responsabilidade fiscal (Lei Complementar 101/00), que exige um planejamento financeiro administrativo antes de que seja dado início ao processo expropriatório; o Estatuto da Cidade (Lei 10.257/2001) que criou duas novas modalidades de desapropriação; e, por fim, o Código Civil de 2002 que, com claro escopo social, regulamenta uma outra forma de desapropriação, a chamada desapropriação judicial. Além disso, esta mesma legislação afeta diretamente a prática da ação de desapropriação indireta, especialmente no que se refere ao prazo prescricional. Desta maneira, concluímos nosso trabalho com a caracterização da desapropriação como um instituto que adquiriu sua feição atual por meio de um processo contínuo de modificações originadas não somente por questões jurídicas, mas também por aspectos políticos e sociais, que fazem com que a desapropriação se encontre em constante desenvolvimento e demande profundos estudos por parte da doutrina. / The expropriation (or compulsory purchase), a public Law institution, throughout time, has been passing through extreme modifications, that are discussed in this essay, analyzed from the subjects historic evolution in foreign and Brazilian law. After the study of the expropriation concept, its elements and characteristics, as well as the commentary of the expropriations diverse species, we pass to the study of three recent laws that had relevant impact over the outline of the institution: Fiscal Responsibility Law (LC 101/00), that demands a financial and administrative planning before the expropriation process beginning; City Statute (L. 10.257/2001), that created two new expropriation models; and, finally, 2002 Civil Code, that with indubitably social purpose, regulate another expropriation form, called judiciary expropriation. Besides that, this same legislation affects directly the taking, or injurious affection, action practice, especially in which concerns to the prescription deadline. In this matter, we conclude our essay with the expropriations characterization as an institution that acquired its current feature by the means of a continuous process originated not only by juridical questions, but also by political and social aspects, that caused a constant developing expropriation, demanding deep doctrinaire studies.

As ZEIS (Zonas Especiais de Interesse Social) foram implantadas no Brasil num contexto de transição democrática, no início dos anos de 1980, e desde então se consolidaram conceitualmente e na legislação urbanística como um dos principais instrumentos da luta pela Reforma Urbana. Duas modalidades prevaleceram neste histórico: as ZEIS de áreas vazias, não utilizadas ou subutilizadas -- que tem a intenção de estimular a produção de Habitação de Interesse Social (HIS) -- e as ZEIS de áreas ocupadas por assentamentos precários (favelas, loteamentos irregulares, conjuntos habitacionais de promoção pública) -- que devem cumprir o objetivo de facilitar a regularização urbanística e fundiária ao admitir parâmetros físicos diferentes daqueles estabelecidos pelas leis e normas. O presente trabalho aborda o instrumento urbanístico -- que é afinal a categoria de Zoneamento Urbano que demarca nos mapas os territórios habitados pelas classes populares -- observando em seu histórico algumas das contradições e os discursos que prometem realizar a integração dessas classes à cidade, pelo reconhecimento (fato consumado) ou pela produção de habitações em terra urbana bem localizada (nó). Essas análises estão ancoradas em um conjunto de impasses da política (e da política urbana) contemporânea no Brasil, onde reformas têm sido implementadas, elevando níveis de consumo, emprego e rendimentos na base da pirâmide social, sem que, contudo, haja alterações nas estruturas que condicionam a própria desigualdade. / The ZEIS (Special Zones of Social Concern) were implemented in Brazil in the context of democratic transition in the early 1980s, and has since consolidated conceptually and in the urban law as a major instrument in the struggle for Urban Reform. Two categories prevailed in history: ZEIS of empty, unused or underused areas -- which intends to stimulate the production of social and affordable housing (HIS) -- and ZEIS of areas occupied by slums (favelas, subdivisions, public social housing) -- which aim to facilitate settlement and urban land regularization, in the moment it allows special parameters, other than those established by the laws and regulations. This thesis discusses the urban instrument -- which is after all the category of Urban Zoning that show in the maps the territories inhabited by the popular classes -- noting on his historic some contradictions and speeches that promise to achieve the integration of these classes to the city, for recognition (fait accompli) or the production of social and affordable housing in well located urban land (node). These analyzes are anchored in a set of policy (and urban policy) impasses in contemporary Brazil, where reforms have been implemented, increasing levels of consumption, employment and income in the base of the social pyramid, however, without changes structures that affect the very inequality.

With its national strength, the United States is, more often than not, a major State initiating the making of important international multilateral treaties and shaping the final outcome by wielding its influence in the negotiation processes. Nevertheless, three major international multilateral treaties concluded in three different domains all appear the same situation in which the U.S. participated actively in the negotiations but ended up rejecting to sign or ratify due to their inconformities with American ¡§national interests.¡¨ The purpose of this thesis is to examine the American proposals and interventions made in the negotiating processes of three important international multilateral treaties, i.e., the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, Kyoto Protocol and Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, so as to understand American negotiation stances as well as the issues to which the U.S. attached importance to and the derive the substantive contents of the ¡§national interests¡¨ that the U.S. held dear. Furthermore, this thesis takes one step further to analyze who were the actors that shaped and defined the ¡§national interests¡¨ which the U.S. valued and held tight.

International law today is a discipline rife with dissensions. This is largely because international law has meant different things to different generations of scholars and nation-states. In 1996 a United States circuit court in Atlanta affirmed a civil judgment against an Ethiopian defendant in an action initiated by Ethiopian citizens for violations of that country’s law and international law. But about a decade earlier in 1984 another appeal court denied to enforce claims against Libyan and Palestinian defendants under international law because according to the court, international law is dedicated exclusively to the relationship between independent states and not their citizens. Although such different interpretations may appear startling, over the previous centuries, courts have eschewed one view while embracing the other. It is thus imperative to examine what constitutes international law or under what authority a U.S. court could challenge another state’s treatment of its own citizens, in its own land, under its own laws. The Judiciary Act of 1789 which created the Alien Tort Statute, a relatively obscure piece of legislation is at the center of these actions. But what was the original intent of the Alien Tort Statute? Is it possible to reconstruct the meaning of that statute? To answer these questions, this dissertation critically interrogated the meaning of international law and the law of nations as it existed at the time of the founding of the United States. What was called the law of nations and subsequently international law revealed multiple meanings. In unpacking the history of the Alien Tort Statute, this dissonance was reflected in the conflicts which assailed the discipline. This dissertation therefore reproduces the dissensions as it analyzes and reconstructs a hitherto unexplored front in this debacle: lawsuits filed by some Africans in the United States under the Alien Tort Statute against their leaders and corporations for egregious human rights violations in Africa. In the end therefore, the issue becomes, can justice and reparations be achieved in United States courts for human rights violations committed in Africa?

The aim of this thesis is to analyse how the road allotment system functioned as an institution to mobilise resources and organise the provision of roads. Through this institution every peasant was made responsible for certain parts of a road. The analysis focuses on road repair and maintenance in the Swedish region of Västmanlands län c. 1750–1850. Previous research has described the allotment system as unfair, unprofessional and ineffective in providing a functioning road system and has contrasted it against modern road management based on cash taxes or fees, a central administrative body and professional engineers and workers. The results indicate that the allotment system under certain circumstances helped minimise administrative expenses for mobilising resources and organising work. Through the allotment system local resources throughout the area could be exploited and there was no need to convert tax revenue into output. When roads had been divided into parts it was not necessary to continually plan and manage work efforts, and through the quality inspections punishment could easily be enforced and road standards guaranteed. The allotment model also enabled peasants to perform road work at a convenient time and to make long-term improvements in their road parts. This was only possible when there were no ambiguities concerning limits and occupants of every road section, and a high degree of societal continuity, which was enabled by tying the obligation to homesteads through a constant taxation index. Without these preconditions there was a risk that a section of the road was not maintained at all, making it necessary to redistribute road parts, which was a complicated, time-consuming, and costly process. This was due to difficulties in making small adjustments without influencing all road parts within a large area. Furthermore, an equal distribution of road sections was hard to accomplish since traffic and natural conditions varied, and every part was at a different distance from the gravel pit and from the peasants’ farms. The possibility to mobilise resources within the allotment system was also restricted in time and by the availability of maintenance materials. / Det svenska vägnätets uppbyggnad 1750-1944

Os emolumentos são a remuneração devida em forma de pecúnia aos tabeliães e oficiais de registro em contraprestação aos seus serviços. Tais profissionais do Direito, muito embora prestem serviço público, não são detentores de cargo público, não sendo considerados servidores públicos, mas sim agentes públicos. Neste contexto, estão amoldados sob o manto do Direito Púbico, tendo em vista a delegação sui generis a eles outorgada por meio de concurso público. O trabalho tratará da possibilidade de incidência do imposto sobre serviços de qualquer natureza (ISS) nos emolumentos, visando a identificar primeiramente a natureza jurídica dos serviços prestados pelos cartórios, bem como da sua remuneração. Posteriormente se questionará a constitucionalidade da referida cobrança e a metodologia de seu recolhimento. / The emoluments are the remuneration payable in the form of pecuniary to notaries and registers in consideration of their services. These legal professionals, although they serve the public, are not holders of public office, are not considered public servants, but agents public. In this context, are characterized under the mantle of public law, in view of the sui generis delegation granted to them by public tender. The article will focus the possibility of incidence of the services rendered tax (ISS tax ) in emoluments, aiming identify first the nature of the legal services provided by notary’s office, as well as of their remuneration. Subsequently will be questioned the constitutionality of that levy and the methodology of their charging.