Transpersoner är en grupp som i forskning observerats löpa särskild risk för social utsatthet. Transpersoners levnadsvillkor i relation till den egna könsidentiteten i fråga om sådant som juridisk könstillhörighet och könskorrigerande är något som regleras i lag. Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka hur transpersoners attribut och den statliga regleringen av transpersoners kroppar och könsidentitet framställs i statens offentliga utredningar under 1960- och 2010-talet. En tematisk analys av en utredning från respektive tidpunkt har genomförts, och materialet har analyserats med utgångspunkt i Judith Butlers teorier om den heterosexuella matrisen och gender performance theory samt Natacha Kennedys framställning av begreppet cisgenderism. Vi fann att framställningen av transpersoners attribut såväl som regleringen av transpersoners könsidentitet i lag till vissa delar skiljer sig mellan utredningarna, men att vissa aspekter kvarstår. Framställningen av transpersoners psykiska varande har förändrats från en psykiskt sjuk avvikare som behöver diagnostiseras som sådan och behöver anpassas såväl beteendemässigt som fysiskt till rådande könsnormer, till en delvis mer tillåtande syn på transpersoners könsidentitet där den juridiska könstillhörigheten menas kunna tillåtas vara upp till transpersonen själv att besluta om. Dock kvarstår diagnosförfarandet även under 2010-talet i fråga om könsdysforidiagnosen som villkorar transpersoners rätt till könskorrigerande vård av kroppen, något som visar på att aspekten av medikalisering av transpersoners varande såväl som den statliga kontrollen över könsidentiteten har kvarstått över tid. Med utgångspunkt i våra valda teorier har vi även noterat att beskrivningen av könsnormernas samhälleliga roll har förändrats över tid från något samhällsavgörande till något som till viss del betraktas som föränderligt, och att förändringen i framställningen av dessa normers innebörd även tycks inverka på hur transpersoner framställs.

Hemlöshet är ett mångfacetterat begrepp och socialt problem som funnits i århundraden, trots detta finns ingen samsyn kring fenomenets orsaker eller lösningar. Denna studie har ämnat bredda kunskapen kring konstruktioner av hemlöshet och särskilt inriktat sig på svenska statens syn på, och anspråk om, personer i hemlöshet och hemlöshet som socialt problem. I studien har en dokumentstudie utförts för insamling av empiriskt material och därefter har en kvalitativ textanalys genomförts. Med ett socialkonstruktionistiskt perspektiv och Losekes teori om anspråk har två utredningar som anses vara representativa för respektive tidsperiod analyserats. Dessa är SOU 1929:9 och SOU 2001:95. I analys av utredningarna framkom att hemlöshet har konstruerats på två olika sätt. I den tidigare utredningen anses personer i hemlöshet ha förorsakat sin egen situation och ses som ett problem som samhället lider av. I den senare utredningen ses personer i hemlöshet som offer för primärt strukturella omständigheter och förtjänta av samhällelig uppslutning för problemets lösning. Analysen resulterade även i att belysa hur anspråk formulerade om problemets orsaker var avgörande vid formuleringen för givna anspråk om problemets lösningar. Denna studie kan ses bidra till kunskapsutvecklingen om hemlöshet genom att belysa vikten av att inte glömma historien för att kunna utveckla det framtida sociala arbetet ytterligare.

This study sets out to examine the Swedish government´s altered discourse on NATO in the years 2004 and 2015. Given the drastic change in security situation in Europe over the last 20 years, it is logical to assume it has influenced the relation between Sweden and NATO. The study aims to highlight how the Swedish government governs through discourse and its understanding of NATO in different circumstances. When compared, the analyzed defense propositions both describe NATO as important, even crucial, but in vastly different ways. In 2004, NATO acts as an entry point for diplomatic and political influence in international politics as well as a way for Sweden to express its identity as an altruistic country. In contrast, NATO in 2015 is vital to the development of Sweden´s military capability and the ability to provide and receive the help necessary for its solidarity policy.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka vad Sveriges partier har för ståndpunkter för att öka denfysiska aktiviteten hos barn och ungdomar samt vilka aktörer i samhället som bidrar till en ökadfysisk aktivitet i samhället, där skolan lyfts upp då det är en av de aktörer som har en storpåverkan. För att uppnå syftet och frågeställningarna har en kvalitativ textanalys gjorts påregeringsskrifter, databaser och litteratur där utgångspunkten har varit att göra eninnehållsanalys, argumentationsanalys samt en politisk diskursanalys. För att kunna analyseraoch bearbeta det insamlade materialet utgår studien från en triangelmodell som ett analytisktverktyg där grunden är staten, marknaden och det civila samhället. Resultatet i studien visar att de flesta politiska partierna i Sverige försöker öka den fysiskaaktiviteten genom skolan, då den fysiska aktiviteten i skolan resulterar ett hälsosammare liv ivuxen ålder. Studiens resultat visar även att infrastrukturen påverkar den fysiska aktivitetensom gör det möjligt för individer att utöva fysisk aktivitet på fritiden.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate to what extent the officials within the Swedish Government Offices consider themselves to be governed by the political elite (ministers and state secretaries) and the ministerial advisers (chief of staffs, planning directors, political advisers and press secretaries). In an ideal chain of command, the political elite governs the officials, since the ministers are appointed by the Prime Minister to govern the Government Office’s different policy areas. During recent years, political scientists have started to chart a phenomenon of an increasing number of ministerial advisers within the public administration. The Swedish Parliament has no formal capability to review or dismiss these ministerial advisers. Which is considered to be problematic in terms of democratic legitimacy, since the ministerial advisers are neither recruited through a transparent recruitment process based on their merits, nor are they politically appointed based on election results. Hence, the link between election results and who is given the mandate to take part in the policy process within the Swedish Government Offices can be seen as tenuous. The officials are at the government’s disposal to prepare and implement policies, and to contribute with their expertise in different policy areas, regardless of which political party or political coalition that is governing at the time. Thus, the purpose of this thesis has been to study the government officials’ perspective, and to what extent they consider themselves to be governed by the political elite and ministerial advisers. 91 government officials have answered a survey regarding to what extent they perceive that they are governed by the different roles in the political staff, and to what extent they consider having contact with the different roles in the political staff. The collected material has made it possible to merge the officials’ perspective on the different roles within the political staff into the categories the political elite and the ministerial advisers. This has been done in order to calculate a confidence interval to estimate officials’ perspective on the two categories within the Govern- ment Offices as a whole. The main findings of the study are that officials within the Government Offices consider themselves to be governed to a greater extent by the political elite, compared to the ministerial advisers. Although the officials consider that they are governed by the political elite, they have more contact with the ministerial advisers compared to the political elite. This could indicate that ministerial advisers are to a great extent mediating the contact between the political elite and the officials within the Swedish Government Offices.

<p>The aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse the Swedish policy towards the Korean Conflict 1947–1953. “Swedish policy” means primarily the Swedish Government’s policy, but also the action taken by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Swedish Defence Staff. </p><p>When the UN treated the issue of Korea in the years before the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 the Swedish government abstained from voting for reasons of principle or legality, namely that the Korean issue belonged to the peace regulations after the Second World War, in which Sweden, as an ex-neutral state, considered that it should not participate. </p><p>During the Korean War 1950–1953 the Swedish government almost consistently and in many different ways supported the US-led coalition in defence of South Korea. Although never officially mentioned, this support was given with considerable uneasiness. This uneasiness stemmed not only from fears that the neutrality policy would be compromised in the eyes of the Soviet Union but also from fears of what the reaction would be like in Sweden. The fear concerned two things: that the public support for Sweden joining the Western alliance would be strengthened, and that there would be negative reactions among their own crack units, who were regarded as neutrality supporters. Certain elements in the policy adopted by the Government have been judged as attempts to try to counteract this. </p><p>Due to its status as non-aligned country without combat troops in Korea Sweden was given a number of assignments of a mediating and bridging nature during the Korean War. The Swedish government had worries that some of those assignments would be expensive and difficult to carry out. But Sweden had an obvious interest in putting an end to the war and the government also realized that the fact that Sweden was given such missions could be used to justify the Swedish policy of neutrality. </p><p>The Korean War broke out quickly and surprisingly and was initially mobile and fluctuating with several dramatic changes in the successes in the field. Throughout the war, also when the warfare had become more static and the armistice negotiations had started, there was a latent threat of escalation towards a major war between East and West. The Swedish foreign and security policy experts in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Defence Staff could not predict the outbreak of the Korean War and all the dramatic shifts, but they had an accurate basic attitude concerning the two superpowers’ desire to avoid a world war and restrict the Korean War to Korea. </p>

The aim of this thesis is to describe and analyse the Swedish policy towards the Korean Conflict 1947–1953. “Swedish policy” means primarily the Swedish Government’s policy, but also the action taken by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Swedish Defence Staff. When the UN treated the issue of Korea in the years before the outbreak of the Korean War in June 1950 the Swedish government abstained from voting for reasons of principle or legality, namely that the Korean issue belonged to the peace regulations after the Second World War, in which Sweden, as an ex-neutral state, considered that it should not participate. During the Korean War 1950–1953 the Swedish government almost consistently and in many different ways supported the US-led coalition in defence of South Korea. Although never officially mentioned, this support was given with considerable uneasiness. This uneasiness stemmed not only from fears that the neutrality policy would be compromised in the eyes of the Soviet Union but also from fears of what the reaction would be like in Sweden. The fear concerned two things: that the public support for Sweden joining the Western alliance would be strengthened, and that there would be negative reactions among their own crack units, who were regarded as neutrality supporters. Certain elements in the policy adopted by the Government have been judged as attempts to try to counteract this. Due to its status as non-aligned country without combat troops in Korea Sweden was given a number of assignments of a mediating and bridging nature during the Korean War. The Swedish government had worries that some of those assignments would be expensive and difficult to carry out. But Sweden had an obvious interest in putting an end to the war and the government also realized that the fact that Sweden was given such missions could be used to justify the Swedish policy of neutrality. The Korean War broke out quickly and surprisingly and was initially mobile and fluctuating with several dramatic changes in the successes in the field. Throughout the war, also when the warfare had become more static and the armistice negotiations had started, there was a latent threat of escalation towards a major war between East and West. The Swedish foreign and security policy experts in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs and the Defence Staff could not predict the outbreak of the Korean War and all the dramatic shifts, but they had an accurate basic attitude concerning the two superpowers’ desire to avoid a world war and restrict the Korean War to Korea.

This empirical research focuses on the subject of Hijab in Sweden. It demonstrates that Afghan (Muslim) women residing in Sweden do not consider the Hijab as an element of their culture/identity. Additionally, the empirical data gathered through interviews with twenty Afghans residing in Sweden reveals that Hijab is socially imposed on women, particularly by male relatives. Afghan women reveal verbal and physical violations exercised against women by male relatives in order to force them to veil. Therefore, if multiculturalism favors the Hijab as a human right and/or an identity/cultural element of these women, it neglects the violations implied by Hijab on women. By adopting a Marxist feminist lens, the research explains that although veiling and controlling women’s body existed for centuries before the birth of capitalism, controlling women’s body by forcing them to veil serves the capitalist project as well. The veil is one of the diverse ways of controlling women (‘s body) and is one of the ways to help the interests of capitalism since women are the source of reproduction of labor. Rejecting the position of both left-wing and right-wing parties (and specifically racists) in the political sphere in Sweden, it is suggested that the former (no matter intentionally or unintentionally) justifies and serves the preservation of the repressive Hijab and does not protect Muslim women and their human rights. And (far) right-wing actors, by pointing to the repressive Hijab, merely aim to cut the budget that is essential for protecting the fundamental human rights of immigrants and target the existence of immigrants per se to enable (further) development of capitalist (economic) policies. This research argues that discourse cannot make a substantial change in behaviors, and not only men should be considered as the responsible actor to diminish the violations. A third alternative/approach is instead suggested for the change in the material condition of such communities so as to diminish the violations. By reminding the responsibility of the Swedish government, it is suggested that the government should take responsibility for material provision regarding awareness, education, employment, and development of oppressed veiled women. This is how the government can protect human rights and actualize women’s capacity in order to combat the violations.

The study aims to investigate how Swedish governmental agencies deal with persons who make excessively large amounts of freedom of information requests. These persons, who can be said to suffer from justice obsession syndrome, often consume an unproportional amount of government agency resources. More specifically, the study investigates whether Swedish government agencies have created formal rules and guidelines on how to handle these citizens and how employees of these agencies view the handling of these cases. The material consists of interviews conducted with ten employees at nine diffrent Swedish government agencies. In addition 24official guidelines where collected from 22 diffrent Swedish government agencies. Trancripts from the interviews and the official guidelines fomed the data of analysis. The study concludes that the majority of the Swedish governmental agencies have well-established routines when dealing with these persons and their freedom of information requests. This regardless of how often or how rarley they deal with this.

Sweden is a country that has made significant achievements regarding sustainable development through its implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Regardless of its efforts and leading position in global sustainability work, scholars have pointed out how other countries are negatively affected by its actions. Previous research also emphasized how nega- tive global spillover effects lead to adverse events affecting the world environmentally, socially, and economically. By conducting a qualitative content analysis through the lens of the theoret- ical framework, The Spillover Index, this study aims to shed light on the overlooked negative spillover effects stemming from Sweden's implementation of the SDGs. This paper recognizes the actions and acknowledgments made by Sweden on its negative spillover effects, along with unintended consequences and contradictions. The result of this thesis emphasizes the urgency for a more holistic understanding of sustainability and the SDGs, calling for countries to con- sider when implementing its sustainability work, not only national achievements, and gains but also the extensive impact of its actions in a global context.