This dissertation endeavours to determine whether the concepts nationality and citizenship are interchangeable, or whether they each mean something very specific. In order to ascertain where the “origin” of using the terms nationality and citizenship interchangeably might have occurred, a closer look at antiquity and its practices is necessitated. The question is also addressed whether a person could be in possession of dual nationality and/or dual citizenship. The desirability of any dual status is also discussed and whether such dual status is to be tolerated and if yes, under which, if any, conditions. / Jurisprudence / LLM

This dissertation endeavours to determine whether the concepts nationality and citizenship are interchangeable, or whether they each mean something very specific. In order to ascertain where the “origin” of using the terms nationality and citizenship interchangeably might have occurred, a closer look at antiquity and its practices is necessitated. The question is also addressed whether a person could be in possession of dual nationality and/or dual citizenship. The desirability of any dual status is also discussed and whether such dual status is to be tolerated and if yes, under which, if any, conditions. / Jurisprudence / LLM

Studien syftar till att undersöka hur tidigare våldsutsatta kvinnor med skyddade personuppgifterupplever sitt medborgarskap och om det finns någon kongruens mellan idén om medborgarskap och kvinnornas egna upplevelser. Utifrån medborgarskapsteori har två dimensioner identifierats: deltagande och känslor. Materialet utgörs av sekundärdata baserad påJämställdmyndighetens rapport 86 gömda kvinnor och deras 128 barn samt berättelser publicerade på organisationen Gömda kvinnors Instagramkonto @gomda.kvinnor. Studiedesignen utgörs av en tvärsnittsstudie där fler än ett fall undersöks över tid för att avslöja mönster i verkligheten. Materialet analyseras med hjälp av en kvalitativ textanalys, mer specifikt en kritisk idéanalys. Resultaten visar att kvinnorna ställs inför många problematiska situationer till följd av skyddet och upplever att samtliga medborgerliga dimensioner i någon mån påverkas av att leva med skyddade personuppgifter. Kvinnornas upplevelser tyder därmed på att det inte finns kongruens mellan idén om medborgarskap och deras egen upplevelse.Inkongruensen tolkas däremot vara störst i en i av subdimensionerna.

In this thesis, I seek to answer the question of what constitutes a tenable form of sexual citizenship for lesbian-, bisexual- and gay citizens by deploying two models of citizenship which have permeated scholarly and public discourse: the “liberal” and the “republican” model. This is done in conjunction with critical engagement with two political philosophers, and their conceptualization of citizenship. They are (1) The capabilities approach by Martha Nussbaum and (2) cosmopolitan federalism as presented by Seyla Benhabib. This thesis uses three primary questions: (1) On what basis are members of the polity chosen? (2) On what basis are the members of the polity able to participate politically? (3) How does the conceptualized model of citizenship account for social- and civil rights pertaining to sexual difference? These questions furthermore establish the basis for the analysis of the models.  In order to assess the answers that the different model provide, this thesis utilizes two analytic variables articulated in terms of lack of rights and disenfranchisement which will throughout this thesis act as underpinnings. These variables are predicated on reflecting two mechanisms of exclusions of lesbigay citizens, the claim being that the rejoinders to them are used to assess and constitute to a tenable sexual citizenship.

This thesis is an ethnographic investigation into the ‘bringing about’ of the Danish welfare citizen as observed through everyday values and practices in the Danish folkeskole. The thesis takes as its starting point the notion of dannelse, which is the ’holistic formation of social human beings who can manage their own lives, who know how to behave properly in society, and how to fit in with each other’ (Jenkins 2011:187) and hygge (cosiness), as the primary frameworks through which Danishness can be understood. While trying to unravel what these values/practices are and how they were expressed and inculcated in the everyday lived reality at the Danish folkeskole, I observed the importance of several other key concepts, including lighed (equality as expressed through sameness), and medborgerskab (co-­‐citizenship). This thesis will attempt to understand the importance of these concepts in relation to wider Danish society, and as defining features on the ‘citizenship-­‐journey’ that the Danish folkeskole in this thesis represents. I will argue that the Danish folkeskole to some degree exemplifies a ‘playpen of democracy’ (Korsgaard 2008) as it exists as a liminal sphere, both in terms of providing a space in which students can practice ‘being’ and ‘becoming’ welfare citizens, but more crucially also as a space in-­‐between the public and the private sphere, a home-­‐ away-­‐from-­‐home. This is achieved through notions of hygge to provide the safe and bounded space that is necessary to secure a conducive learning environment in which students can obtain a shared ideological understanding of the world, and hence an equal starting point. Finally, my thesis will focus on the interaction between and value connotations of concepts such as diversity, difference, individuality, inequality and heterogeneity. I am principally interested in demonstrating how these exist in a dynamic relationship with concepts such as equality, similarity, homogeneity and a sense of ‘we/us’ as Danish, and subsequently as democratic welfare citizens.

In the following dissertation, I consider how the legal challenges faced by LGBTI refugees might compel reflection on and revision to traditional conceptions of citizenship in the United States. Specifically, I explore the question of how queer refugees and asylum seekers might alter – or queer – the meaning of “citizenship” in the United States. This project contributes to the conversation about citizenship in the field of rhetoric in multiple ways: (1) It highlights tensions between the cultural construction of citizenship and its legal parameters, (2) It expands rhetorical citizenship scholarship through attention to the intersection of identification, marginalization, and the political imaginary, and (3) It reveals tensions between norms of civic and sexual identity. It does this by tracing rhetorical precedent through a case study of sexual orientation and gender identity asylum in the United States. I argue that LGBTI refugees and asylees can shape a queered discourse of citizenship, but that the discourse produced is limited based on narrow definitions of sexual orientation and identity categories. To make this argument, I analyze the precedent-setting case involving Fidel Armando Toboso-Alfonso, in which I address how the establishment of that case as precedent set in place norms of sexual identity that persist in the adjudication of LGBTI asylum cases today. Next, I look to the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration training module for handling LGBTI asylum claims in order to make sense of the ways the norms set forth in the precedent-setting case have become codified and interrogated in current efforts to adjudicate LGBTI asylum claims. Finally, I compare visual representations of LGBTI asylum seekers to other refugees in order to understand how photographs of LGBTI asylum seekers fit within or rupture the genre of refugee photography. Taken together, these case studies provide insight into how citizenship is discursively imagined when access to citizen status is predicated on simultaneous normative and non-normative performances of sexual identity.

Under lång tid har forskningen fokuserat på hur ledarskapet kan utvecklas och bidra till en effektiv organisation. På senare tid har forskningen börjat belysa även medarbetarens roll i verksamheten. Dock sker denna forskning ur ledarens perspektiv och medarbetarnas perspektiv saknas till stor del. Syftet med detta examensarbete var att genom kvalitativa intervjuer kartlägga upplevelsen av psykologiskt empowerment och förstå hur det kan ses som en del i medarbetarskapet bland ledare och medarbetare, ur ett medarbetarperspektiv. Psykologiskt empowerment berör den anställdes upplevelse av att kunna påverka sin arbetsroll, utföra ett meningsfullt arbete och påverka viktiga beslut. Genom att analysera denna upplevelse kan styrkor och utvecklingsmöjligheter identifieras i medarbetarskapet och ligga till grund för ett vidare utvecklingsarbete. Studien genomfördes på utvalda butiker inom Systembolaget i Västerbottens län. Det som framkom i studien är att det saknas en samsyn gällande medarbetarskapets innebörd. Skillnaden som identifierats är att medarbetarna saknar en arbetsgivaraspekt sett till definitionen av medarbetarskap, något som cheferna framhåller som en viktig del. Arbetsgivaraspekten rör det ansvar som medarbetaren har gentemot arbetsgivaren i och med en anställning. Utifrån de fyra faktorerna i psykologiskt empowerment: kompetens, självbestämmande, påverkan och meningsfullhet, framgår att kompetens och meningsfullhet är de faktorer som är väl genomarbetade inom Systembolaget. Gällande självbestämmande och påverkan finns utvecklingspotential. Utifrån studien kunde följande konstateras; viljan att dela med sig av makt finns hos ledarna, dock är viljan till att ta emot denna tudelad hos medarbetarna. Viljan hos båda parter bör finnas för att skapa förutsättningar för psykologiskt empowerment. Vidare konstateras att en gemensam syn på medarbetarskapets innebörd där förväntningar tydliggörs kan komma att skapa en positiv spiraleffekt för psykologiskt empowerment och medarbetarskap.

This dissertation shows how organizations, including local government and police, and residents within Seattle, Washingtons East Precinct define and police the contours of community, neighborhoods and public space. Under the rubric of public safety, these players create territorial geographies that seek to include only those who fit the narrowly conceived idea of a neighbor. Territoriality is exercised against the social Other in an attempt to build a cohesive community while at the same time excluding those who are seen as different or as non-conformant to acceptable behaviors in the neighborhood. This research provides a framework through which to examine how community policing produces an urban citizen subject and an idea of who belongs in public space. This work also combines discourses of abjection and public space showing how the two are linked together to form a contingent citizenship. Contingent citizenship describes a particular relationship between geography and citizenship. As I frame it, contingent citizenship is a public citizenship where one must conform to a social norm and act in a prescribed, appropriate way in the public sphere or fear repercussions such as incarceration, public humiliation or barring from public parks. This dissertation, through a synthesis of the literatures on abjection, public space and social control, provides an empirical example of how community policing controls, regulates and/or expels those socially constructed as the Other in public space. This dissertation also brings a geographic lens to questions of abjection, public space and social control. This dissertation is a comprehensive survey and analysis of how discourses surrounding public space produce a space that is exclusionary of those who are not conceived as citizens by structures intact within the city. This research shows how not all citizens (in the legal sense) fit the socio-cultural model of citizenship. Such contingent citizens are subject to more surveillance and policing in public space. Additionally, this research contributes to growing literature regarding how abjection plays into representations and understandings of public space.

The social sciences' interest in transnationalism has grown rapidly over the previous decade. The ethnographic case studies informing this burgeoning transnational literature, however, typically focus upon migration flows with one endpoint in the global North. This dissertation explores the experience of Indian transmigrants in contemporary Bahrain, one of the six petroleum-rich states of the Gulf Cooperation Council, as well as the impact of these transnational flows upon the Bahraini state. Like all the nations of the GCC, foreign guestworkers comprise a majority of the workforce in Bahrain, and a near majority of the absolute population--two aspects of the many that mark the transnational context of the contemporary Gulf as significantly different from those typical of the transnational literature.The arc of my ethnographic analysis draws upon transnational theory, diaspora studies, and critical approaches to the state, and visits three plateaus. First, I use migration narratives gathered from Indian transmigrants to delineate the structure of dominance that shapes relations between guestworker and citizen-host. The parameters of this structure stretch from the global political economy to the apparatuses of the Bahraini state and, through the kafala sponsorship system, to the individual relations between citizen-sponsors and guestworkers. This structure comprises the basis for the systemic exploitation of foreign labor. Second, I analyze the strategies different classes of the Indian transmigrant community utilize against this structure of dominance. For the poorest transmigrants, these strategies are often limited to movement between legal and illegal status, while the diasporic elite employ a strategic transnationalism to combat the vulnerabilities rendered by this system. Finally, I analyze the impact of these transnational flows upon the Bahraini state and citizenry. The structure of dominance, I argue, is essential to understanding the articulation of state-based power in Bahrain, for it provides a mechanism for citizens to cull profit from the private sector while maintaining a system for distributing state-controlled wealth that favors those well positioned in traditional social, familial, tribal relations. In essence, the Bahraini state comprises a form of resistance to the neoliberal logic of the global political economy--one that simultaneously structures inequities via those traditional fissures.

This dissertation explores the lasting effects of recurrent temporary medical humanitarian operations through ethnographic research in communities, clinical facilities, nongovernmental aid organizations, and governmental bureaucracies in the northern Somali Region of Ethiopia. First, I found that medical humanitarian aid has altered persons' subjective experiences and expectations of biomedicine, spirit possession, health, and healing. Popular health cultures and conceptions of "biomedicine" as well as "traditional medicine" were changing, in part due to repeated exposures to relief operations. Second, I documented novel social formations to cope with recurrent aid: new labor relations to enable temporary work with international NGOs; new medical migrations to access comparable care and foreign medical commodities at distant private hospitals; and transnational extra-legal economies of medicine to fill gaps in care. Third, a set of racialized narratives have emerged in the interstices of aid that warn of malpractice and abuse by non-Somali Ethiopian clinicians. Such discourses echo Somalis' historical experiences of ethnic-based conflict with Ethiopian groups as well as their contemporary marginalization from Ethiopian sources of power. Accordingly, although aid is designed to improve immediate access to basic healthcare and medications, I find it also exacerbated medical insecurity. Northern Somalis' discursive expressions of medical insecurity have increased, paradoxically alongside steady improvements in their health and nutrition indicators. Finally, health and humanitarian interventions have altered local notions and practices of citizenship. In the last ten years, as Ethiopia has decentralized its health care delivery system, aid has been progressively channeled through Somali Regional State institutions. Accordingly, many Somalis now discuss the diverse ways in which they are increasingly interpolated into regional politics-often in opposition to the Ethiopian government. Medical humanitarian aid has shaped expectations of government as well as biomedicine. I argue that these new forms of citizenship have emerged primarily because of the intimate and profound nature of medical encounters themselves. The narrow humanitarian mission to minister to what social theorists call the "bare life" of victims, in actuality, is neither dispassionate nor removed from sociality and politics. Medical aid potentially provides spaces in which relations of care-giving, trust, and therefore responsive governance structures can develop.