近年來，國內營業秘密相關侵害問題爭迭不休，使國內產業之營業秘密權人危機意識提高，因為營業秘密本是企業取得產業競爭力的關鍵要素，若遭到洩漏，影響範圍除自身公司外，甚至遍及整個產業鏈，都將遭受動盪，因此為使營業秘密能受到更有效的保護，期能嚇阻侵害營業秘密之行為，立法院於2013年1月11日修訂完成營業秘密法，並於同月30日公布之，增加刑事與民事責任，自始營業秘密之保障將更為周全，因此如能建立完善的智慧財產管理，加上營業秘密法賦予營業秘密權人之保障，將能提升產業競爭力。然要受到營業秘密法律之保護，需符合營業秘密法規範之三大要件，而其中要件之一「合理保密之措施」究為所指，綜覽學界與實務之見解，尚未有一致之看法，除相關「完善」之保密措施論述外，並無明確闡釋「合理」此一要件之見解，但對國內中小企業而言，建立完善之合理保密措施的成本高，非其所能負擔。 因而本文嘗試整理國內與美國學說之見解，並進一步蒐集我國法院營業秘密法判決，加以歸納統整，期從中找出「合理」保密措施之參考依據，以作為我國企業所能參考之依據。詳言之，係以國內司法判決之實證研究為主，並加以美國法制體系及相關實務判決作為比較法研究之基礎，嘗試能從中統整出「合理」之保密措施，讓企業得以在成本規劃與洩密風險承擔此二者間，尋找一平衡點，方能使國內各企業在能力所及範圍內，亦達保護公司營業秘密之目的，維持整體產業公平競爭之秩序。 / A trade secret is a form of intellectual property that gives the firm who owns it an advantage over its competitors as long as the firm manages to keep it. Recently, Trade secret infringements occur more than thought. For example, employees thieve the firm’s secret and intend to sell it to competitor., therefore the Legislative Yuan passed the amendments to the completion of the Trade Secrets Act On January 11, 2013, and was released on the 30th of the same month, the proposal has increased in criminal and civil liability, the Legislative Yuan expect the amendments have more comprehensive protection of trade secrets.A secret.under Trade secrect protection have to satisfy three requirements, and one of the requirement is “reasonable measures”, therefore this paper attempts to sort out the domestic and U.S. doctrine of insights and further to collect court judgment in Taiwan, try to be summarized integration "reasonable" security measures. Expect to figure out what is common definition of “reasonable measures”,as the basis for Taiwan’s enterprises can reference. In particular, empirical studies of domestic judicial decisions based, and the U.S. legal system and related practices judgment as the basis for the study of comparative law, to try from integration in a "reasonable" measures, to enable enterprises to cost planning bear both the risk of disclosure, to find a balance point, can the domestic enterprises in the abilities within up to protect the company's trade secrets, to maintain the overall industry fair competition order.

Se présentant comme une démocratie modèle fondée sur un contrat sans cesse renégocié au travers de la conversation républicaine, les États-Unis se sont dotés d'un système politique respectueux des droits de la personne et garant des libertés civiles dans tous les secteurs d'expression sociale. Ce régime, imparfait à sa naissance, a progressé de façon lente, mais constante. Même à la fin du XXe siècle, il n'avait pas encore atteint son plein épanouissement. La démocratie américaine reste perfectible! Bien sûr, des forces restreignent la réalisation du projet initial. Même si, dès 1789, elle a permis d'élaborer la Constitution et, plus tard, ses principaux amendements, la conversation républicaine, SINE QUA NON de la démocratie, n'a jamais pu fonctionner pleinement. L'exclusion d'importantes parties de la population (infortunés, minorités ethniques, femmes) donne une idée des lacunes qu'elle a plus ou moins comblées avec le temps. Déjà limitée en temps de paix, durant les conflits, la conversation républicaine est confrontée à des « mesures de guerre » porteuses de censure et d'autres procédures transformant la communication en propagande et l'information en désinformation. Propagande et désinformation promeuvent alors les intérêts des élites politiques et économiques. La guerre ralentit donc considérablement la mise en pratique des idéaux et elle entraîne même la régression de ce régime. Ces constats de ralentissement, d'arrêts ou de reculs nous interpellent sur la place de la pratique démocratique aux États-Unis. Nous nous sommes demandée si ce pays, très souvent en guerre, s'est effectivement doté d'une démocratie dont le fonctionnement et la progression normale auraient été malencontreusement stoppés par de nombreux épisodes guerriers ou si, au contraire, le recours récurrent aux mesures de guerre porteuses d'entraves au bon fonctionnement de la conversation républicaine n'est pas, finalement, le scénario rêvé par l'Establishment pour faciliter et rendre incontestable, la gestion efficace du système économique et financier dont cette puissance mondiale est devenue le champion? Pour répondre à cette question, nous avons suivi une approche chronologique qui nous permet de procéder à une analyse des faits et des idéologies qui ont légitimé les guerres. Nous avons étudié les épisodes guerriers qu'ont connus les États-Unis, de la Révolution de 1776 aux conflits locaux qui ont failli « faire éclater » la « guerre froide ». Évidemment, nous avons particulièrement insisté sur la « guerre au terrorisme » menée par Georges W. Bush, au lendemain des attentats du 11 septembre 2001. Nous en arrivons à croire qu'en lançant cette Guerre, le Président des États-Unis, conseillé par les Néoconservateurs, a contraint les Américains à abandonner leur idéal de « conversation républicaine ». L'examen précis du contexte de la guerre au terrorisme étaye notre hypothèse. Il souligne le caractère instrumental de cette guerre, et rend compte ainsi de l'impraticabilité de « la conversation républicaine ». Pour garantir la pratique efficace du capitalisme sauvage, l'idéal de « conversation républicaine » a été transformé en un simple outil de propagande, un symbole publicitaire, un thème central de campagne de relations publiques! Nous concluons en soulignant que la guerre au terrorisme dans laquelle Bush a précipité les États-Unis a un impact considérable sur la façon d'interpréter l'histoire de cette grande puissance. Loin d'être « une grande démocratie » temporairement malmenée par quelques conflits, depuis la guerre au terrorisme, nous percevons l'histoire de ce pays comme celle d'une oligarchie qui ne peut fonctionner efficacement que dans un état de guerre permanente où l'idéal démocratique de « conversation républicaine » est remplacé par celui de l'American way of life, sorte de culte de la consommation propice à l'enrichissement des managers et des financiers américains. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Communication, États-Unis, espace public, guerre, guerre au terrorisme, démocratie, conversation républicaine, censure, désinformation, répression, sceau de secret, secret d'État, propagande, sécurité nationale, intérêts public et national, Destinée Manifeste, pragmatisme managérial de Thayer-Ravault, instrumentalisme de Habermas.

Uppsatsens övergripande syfte är att undersöka hur det har påverkat ett barn att växa upp med en familjehemlighet. Vi har intervjuat en person vars familjehemlighet grundade sig i att hennes pappa hade ett alkoholmissbruk. Vi belyser hur ett barn påverkas av att bevara en familjehemlighet utifrån tre olika miljöer; familjen, skolan och kompisrelationer samt om och i så fall hur det har gjort intryck i hennes vuxna liv. För att besvara uppsatsens syfte har vi genom en kvalitativ metod i form av en halvstrukturerad livsvärldsintervju samlat in vår empiri. Teoretiska perspektiv vi använt oss av är systemteori och KASAM- Känsla av sammanhang, som speglar individen, samspelen och sammanhangen mellan de teman vi valt att fokusera på. Intervjumaterialet är analyserat utifrån den narrativa metoden. Vidare har vi använt oss av teman och perspektiv då vi undersökt hur intervjupersonen har skapat en identitet och gett sitt liv mening utifrån sina livserfarenheter. Resultatet visar att intervjupersonens familj, skolgång samt kompisrelationer har påverkats. Bland annat gjorde hon ett aktivt val och är idag nykterist. Intervjupersonen har i olika perioder av sin uppväxt tagit sig an olika roller och beteenden beroende på i vilka sammanhang och miljöer hon befunnit sig. Dessa roller och beteenden har inte varit bestående men återkommande vilket är viktigt att påvisa. / The essay´s overall purpose is to examine how it has affected a child growing up with a family secret. We have interviewed a person whose family secret was based on the alcohol addiction of her father. We have chosen to illustrate how a child is affected by maintaining a family secret from three different environments; family, school, and through friendship, and whether and if so, how it has made an impression in her adult life. To answer the purpose for this thesis, we have collected our empirical data through a qualitative method, in the form of a semi-structured life-world interview. Theoretical perspectives we have made use of are systems’ theory and SOC – Sense of Coherence, which reflect the individual, the interactions, and relationships between the themes we have chosen to focus on.The interviews have been analyzed based on the narrative method. Furthermore, we have used the themes and perspectives when investigating how the interviewee has created an identity and conferred meaning to her life, from the basis of her experiences. The results show that the interviewee's family, school, and friendships have been affected. Among other things, she made an active choice and is now a teetotaler. During different periods of her growth, she has adopted different roles and behaviors, depending on the situation and environment she has been in. These roles and behaviors have not been durable, but recurring, which is important to emphasize.

Fault tolerant and secure distributed data storage systems typically require that only up to a threshold of storage nodes can ever be compromised or fail. In proactively-secure systems, this requirement is modified to hold only in a time interval (also called epoch), resulting in increased security. An attacker or adversary could compromise distinct sets of nodes in any two time intervals. This attack model is also called the mobile adversary model. Proactively-secure systems require all nodes to "refresh" themselves periodically to a clean state to maintain the availability, integrity, and confidentiality properties of the data storage service. This dissertation investigates the design of a proactively-secure distributed data storage system. Data can be stored at storage servers using encoding schemes called secret sharing, or encryption-with-replication. The primary challenge is that the protocols that the servers run periodically to maintain integrity and confidentiality must scale with large amounts of stored data. Determining how much data can be proactively-secured in practical settings is an important objective of this dissertation. The protocol for maintain the confidentiality of stored data is developed in the context of data storage using secret sharing. We propose a new technique called the GridSharing framework that uses a combination of XOR secret sharing and replication for storing data efficiently. We experimentally show that the algorithm can secure several hundred GBs of data. We give distributed protocols run periodically by the servers for maintaining the integrity of replicated data under the mobile adversary model. This protocol is integrated into a document repository to make it proactively-secure. The proactively-secure document repository is implemented and evaluated on the Emulab cluster (http://www.emulab.net). The experimental evaluation shows that several 100 GBs of data can be proactively-secured. This dissertation also includes work on fault and intrusion detection - a necessary component in any secure system. We give a novel Byzantine-fault detection algorithm for quorum systems, and experimentally evaluate its performance using simulations and by deploying it in the AgileFS distributed file system.

This qualitative dissertation in Counseling Psychology considers the open secret, an under-researched phrase describing an interesting phenomenon that is experienced by some, but not all, LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) people when their sexual orientation is known or suspected by family members, friends, and/or coworkers, but not discussed. A review of the literature notes how the essence of the open secret appears to be about knowledge that is not acknowledged, while it may also create a space of grace, allowing people to coexist, where they might not otherwise be able to do so easily. Participants (N = 11) were either current or past members of the U.S. military who served before or during the Don’t Ask Don’t Tell policy. Interviews were analyzed using James Paul Gee’s linguistic approach to narrative, from which three major findings emerged: (a) sexual and homophobic harassment, whereby historically homophobic attitudes within the military drive the need for secrecy surrounding LGBT sexuality; (b) acceptance and support, whereby the open secret seems to create a space of grace; and (c) empowerment and honesty, whereby LGBT people seem to have a new sense of honesty that empowers them toward a new sense of agency. Discussion includes examination of how the three findings may relate to the open versus secret parts of the open secret, as well as how the open secret and the Don’t Ask Don’t Tell policy may represent a gestalt attempt at balance that may now be moving toward a gestalt dynamic of completion, suggesting the possibility of a new Discourse of openness and honesty for LGBT people that appears to be on a proleptic edge of possibility.

No description available.

Sue Monk Kidd’s The Secret Life of Bees (2002) tells the story of a motherless fourteen-year-old Lily Owens, raised by a cruel father, who desperately searches for clues to unlock her mother’s past. Kidd’s bildungsroman reveals the incredible power of black women, particularly a group of beekeeping sisters and a black Mary, to create a safe haven where Lily can examine her fragmented life and develop psychologically, finally becoming a self-actualized young lady. Lily’s matriarchal world of influence both compares and contrasts with the patriarchal world represented in Mark Twain’s Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, exposing the matriarchy’s aptly structured ways of providing a more healing environment than is Huck Finn’s. Kidd’s novel also showcases the stylistic strategies of first person narrative point of view, language, dialect, and the motif of place in order to contextualize the social awareness and psychological development Lily gains through her journey.

Parmi les indicateurs de la mondialisation, le secret bancaire est au centre d'un débat animé en ce moment historique, caractérisé par la globalisation de l'économie, les exigences de sécurité croissantes, l'urgence de la lutte contre le blanchiment des capitaux provenant d’activités criminelles et l’internationalisation expansive des réseaux bancaires. La tendance vers le renforcement de la coopération internationale, met en discussion la forte sauvegarde du secret bancaire de plusieurs pays. La question dirimante est plutôt claire. Il s'agit, effectivement, de savoir jusqu'à quel point le secret, dans sa conception la plus inextensible et inflexible, devient par contre un instrument décisif pour contourner les règles communes,faire une concurrence déloyale sur les marchés et assurer des véritables crimes, par exemple de type terroriste. Pour faire évoluer les situations jugées problématiques, la démarche parallèle des trois organismes BÂLE, l’OCDE puis le GAFI est d’autant plus significative, qu’elle a été inspirée par les préoccupations exprimées au sein du G7 sur les dangers que présenteraient pour l’économie internationale certaines activités financières accomplies sur et à partir de ces territoires. L’ordre public justifie aussi la mise en place de mesures particulières en vue d’enrayer le blanchiment des capitaux provenant du trafic des stupéfiants. Selon les pays, des systèmes plus ou moins ingénieux tentent de concilier la nécessaire information des autorités publiques et le droit au secret bancaire, élément avancé de la protection de la vie privée dont le corollaire est, entre autres, l’article 7 et 8 de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés et l’article 8 de la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales du citoyen, et donc de l’atteinte à ces libertés. Nous le verrons, les prérogatives exorbitantes dont bénéficient l’État, l’administration ou certains tiers, par l’exercice d’un droit de communication et d’échange d’information, constituent une véritable atteinte au principe sacré de la vie privée et du droit à la confidentialité. Cette pénétration de l’État ou de l’administration au coeur des relations privilégiées entre la banque et son client trouve certainement une justification irréfutable lorsque la protection est celle de l’intérêt public, de la recherche d’une solution juridique et judiciaire. Mais cela crée inévitablement des pressions internes et des polémiques constantes,indépendamment de l’abus de droit que l’on peut malheureusement constater dans l’usage et l’exercice de certaines prérogatives. / Among the indicators of globalization, banking secrecy is currently at the centre of a historic and heated debate over the globalization of the economy, growing security requirements, the urgency of the fight against the laundering of funds from criminal activities and the expansive globalization of banking networks. The trend toward strengthening international cooperation calls into question the firm safeguarding of banking secrecy in several countries. The telling question is quite clear: it essentially involves knowing how far secrecy in its most restricted and inflexible form nevertheless becomes a decisive instrument in bypassing common rules, making for unfair competition in the markets and ensuring real crimes: terrorism, for instance . In the development of situations considered problematic, the parallel approach of the three organizations, the Basel Committee, OECD and FATF, is all the more significant for having been inspired by the concerns expressed within the G7 about the dangers to the international economy presented by certain financial activities performed on and from these territories. Public order also justifies the implementation of dedicated measures to curb the laundering, of funds from drug trafficking. Depending on the country, more or less ingenious systems attempt to reconcile the necessary informing of the public authorities and the right to banking secrecy, an advanced element in the protection of private life, the upshot of which are, among others, Articles 7 and 8 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and Article 8 of the European Convention for the Safeguarding of Citizens’ Human Rights and Fundamental Liberties, and the corresponding breach of these liberties. As we shall see, the exorbitant prerogatives the State, the administration or certain third parties enjoy by exercising a right to public performance and information exchange constitute a veritable breach of the hallowed principle of private life and the right to confidentiality. This penetration by the State or the administration into the heart of privileged relations between banks and their customers certainly finds irrefutable justification when protection involves the public interest – the search for a juridical and judicial solution. But this inevitably creates internal pressures and constant controversy, regardless of the abuse of law that can unfortunately be seen in the use and exercise of certain prerogatives.

Sue Monk Kidd’s The Secret Life of Bees (2002) tells the story of a motherless fourteen-year-old Lily Owens, raised by a cruel father, who desperately searches for clues to unlock her mother’s past. Kidd’s bildungsroman reveals the incredible power of black women, particularly a group of beekeeping sisters and a black Mary, to create a safe haven where Lily can examine her fragmented life and develop psychologically, finally becoming a self-actualized young lady. Lily’s matriarchal world of influence both compares and contrasts with the patriarchal world represented in Mark Twain’s Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, exposing the matriarchy’s aptly structured ways of providing a more healing environment than is Huck Finn’s. Kidd’s novel also showcases the stylistic strategies of first person narrative point of view, language, dialect, and the motif of place in order to contextualize the social awareness and psychological development Lily gains through her journey.

The relationship between the Socialist Unity Party [SED] and the medical intelligentsia in the German Democratic Republic [GDR] has often been described as one of the most problem-atic for the Republic‟s political vanguard. This thesis discusses this relationship for the two dec-ades after the erection of the Berlin Wall in 1961. With the inability of East German workers to leave for West Germany after this event, the GDR was able to enforce their programme of so-cialist development in a new way. Doctors, despite being crucial for this socialist society and its legitimacy, were not excluded from the state‟s radical new policies. However, as files from the former state security apparatus, party and trade union make obvious, doctors were very success-ful in preventing both the ideological conditioning of their community and state interference in the composition of the medical elite. With the examination of the every-day life of the medical intelligentsia, especially in East German hospitals, this thesis contributes to the discussion about the difference between the claims of the socialist party and the realities faced in the healthcare sector. There were a variety of complex reasons for the increasing distance between the state‟s claim and reality, many of which will be analysed in the course of this work. This analysis is, em-bedded in a historical approach, outlined mainly by Mary Fulbrook, which sets the micro-level in the context of the macro-level, considering the correlation between the claim and ideology of the SED, their communication, mechanisms and policies reaching the boundaries of the social con-glomerate of doctors, as well as their reactions, career aspirations and pre-conditions. For the seventies, a whole section is dedicated to exploring the reasons that the medical intelligentsia was one of the main-clients of so-called „human trafficking gangs‟, enabling insight into their situa-tion and the attitude towards the socialist state, which led them to „vote with their feet‟. This the-sis demonstrates, especially for the sixties and seventies, that there is still much potential for fur-ther research, in to the case of the most ideologically unreliable social group in the GDR: the medical intelligentsia.