The ways of reaching out to the people to supply news are substantially increasing after the emerge of the Internet. Because of the Internet anyone can make their message heard. The Young Turks claims to be the largest online news show in the world and they have over 650 000 subscribers on Youtube. Therefore it is important to study how alternative media differs from more traditional media.  This study focuses on alternative journalism on Youtube. The aim of this study is to identify the difference between the Youtube channel The Young Turks and CNN. The weight in the study lays in the ways the news is being presented. This study uses qualitative content from four news videos made by The Young Turks and four news videos made by CNN. This study focuses on the specific content in a few news videos rather than the overall content in several news videos. A dramatic analysis method is used to determine how the two media channels differ.  The result shows that the news videos made by CNN used objectivity as a means to claim their professionalism more often than The Young Turks. CNN’s news reporting was also clearer in presenting sources, compared to The Young Turks.

The Ottoman Empire was in serious decline by the late nineteenth century. Years of misrule, war, and oppression of its various nationalities had virtually driven the Turks from Europe, leaving the weakened Empire on the verge of collapse. By the 1870s the Armenians were the most troubling group, having gained international sympathy at the Congress of Berlin. As a result, violence against the Armenians had escalated dramatically by the turn of the century. They felt, however, that their fortune had changed when the liberal Young Turks seized power from the Sultan in 1908. Unfortunately, the Young Turks had a much more ominous plan for the Armenians. When they entered World War I as an ally of the Central Powers, they decided to use the cover of war to exterminate the Ottoman Armenians. Over one million Armenians were murdered, and the Turkish government's crimes went unpunished in the postwar world.

The present thesis offers an innovative perspective analysing the perception of Turkish atrocities against the Ottoman Greek communities during the temporal period May 1919-December 1922 through the Athenian newspapers Estia and Empros, which were committed to the ubiquitous Greek irredentist vision of the Megali Idea. Delving into theories which emphasize on the political nature of nationalism, on national mobilisation and on the exploitation of mass communication by the elite, this thesis attempts to elaborate on the inclusion of the Ottoman Greeks into an expanded Greek nation-state, based on the principle of self-determination. Hence, from the Greek Press' perspective, the presented Turkish atrocities against a part of the Greek nation and potential subjects of a broadened Greek state had been contextualized on the basis of Greek nationalism. The study shows that, despite the widespread and divided Greek communities in the Ottoman Empire/Turkey, Estia and Empros were declaring that their common denominator had been their Greek self-determination and the fact that all these communities were viewing the Greek state and the Greek army as their guarantors for their safety. Adding to the agents of Hellenism also the Ecumenical Patriarchate, Estia and Empros were highlighting the crucial role of these agents towards the endangered Ottoman Greek communities. Thus, the presentation of the respective information in the newspapers was leaning on this theoretical schema.

No description available.

Abstract The rise of competing nationalisms in Cyprus first drew world attention in the 1950's, yet the origins of nationalism in Cyprus can clearly be traced to the closing stages of Ottoman rule on the island during the nineteenth century. While the earlier development of nationalism in the Greek Orthodox community of Cyprus is commonly acknowledged, the pre-World War II evolution of nationalism amongst Cyprus' Moslem Turks is consistently overlooked or misrepresented. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, this work contends that Turkish nationalism in Cyprus did not first emerge in the 1950's, but instead grew gradually from the late nineteenth century onwards; that nationalism amongst the island's Turks was first discernible in a 'civic' form founded on Ottomanism which was gradually, though progressively replaced by Turkish ethno-nationalism; and that while both British colonial policies and especially the threat perceived from the rise of Greek nationalism on the island may have helped spur nationalism amongst the Turks, the continued cultural and political interaction with Ottoman, and even non-Ottoman Turks, and later with the Turkish Republic was at least as influential in fostering nationalist sentiments and prompting their expression in political actions. While particular note is made of the often neglected impact of the Young Turk movement in the early twentieth century, this study acknowledges and seeks to elucidate a complex assortment of variegated stimuli that ranged from international developments, such as the recurring crises in the Balkans and President Wilson's speech on the 'Fourteen Points', to the personal attitudes and attributes of British administrators and domestic inter-ethnic relations, and local and international economic trends and developments. Together, it is maintained, these influences had made Turkish nationalism a perceptible phenomenon amongst the Turks of Cyprus by the time of the October Revolt of 1931.

Pour respecter les droits d’auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse a été dépouillée de certains documents visuels et audio‐visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse a été déposée à la Division de la gestion des documents et des archives. / Mihri Rasim (1885-1954) est la plus importante peintre turque et une pionnière féministe. L’idée reçue à son sujet est qu’elle a été une artiste marginale, inclassable et qu'elle est décédée dans la désuétude aux États-Unis, amère d’avoir choisi une carrière artistique. À défaut d’information, auteurs et historiens de l’art ont masqué leur ignorance en élaborant un récit à partir de la personnalité fascinante de Rasim. La présente étude, qui est la première thèse de doctorat et aussi la première monographie extensive sur Rasim, déconstruit ce mythe. Rasim était une ambitieuse peintre et une Jeune-Turque arriviste qui avait une stratégie pour atteindre l’objet de son ambition. Elle a poursuivi deux objectifs tout au long de sa vie : élargir le spectre des possibilités des femmes et être considérée elle-même, selon ses propres termes, « parmi les gens de talents ». À Istanbul, à une époque où les femmes pouvaient difficilement sortir de leur harem, elle a instauré une première école de beaux-arts pour les femmes. Pendant qu’elle y était la directrice, elle a mis en place les premiers cours de nus féminins de l’histoire de l’art turc. Elle a permis aux femmes de recevoir une éducation artistique comparable aux standards artistiques européens et leur a donné accès à un nouveau métier. Elle a créé une bourse pour ses étudiantes à l’Académie et elle a essayé de constituer une association d’entraides pour les peintres-femmes. Elle a aussi fait les portraits des dirigeants Jeunes-Turcs et ceux de leur entourage. Elle a développé son plan artistique en conservant les mêmes objectifs et en s’appuyant toujours sur la même stratégie. Elle s’est servie de ses relations politiques et sociales à Istanbul, ou s’est efforcée d’en former de nouvelles lorsqu’elle se trouvait en Europe ou aux États-Unis. Elle a ainsi construit un réseau au service de sa carrière. Pour ce faire, elle a portraituré de grands hommes modernistes, même controversés, du vingtième siècle – Alphonse XIII, Benito Mussolini, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Thomas Edison. Dans une perspective féministe, mon étude établit l’importance de cette artiste cosmopolite du vingtième siècle. Je mets au jour les détails de la vie et de l’art de Rasim qui jusqu’à présent étaient méconnus. Au moyen de documents d’archives inédits, ses données élémentaires biographiques sont clarifiées. Une datation et une identification de ses sujets de portraits sont offertes. Je propose une approche innovatrice pour examiner l’art de Rasim que j’analyse par rapport à la scène artistique et culturelle turque, et mondiale. J’évalue l’impact, pour son époque et la nôtre, des gestes posés par Mihri Rasim. Ma thèse témoigne du rôle essentiel des femmes culturelles et politiques majeures, ainsi que des limites qui leur étaient, et qui leur sont encore, imposées par le système en place. / Mihri Rasim (1885-1954) is Turkey’s most important painter and feminist pioneer. The widely shared assumption about her is that she was a marginal, unclassifiable artist, who died in misery and resentful for having dedicated her life to art. Without any real information, authors and art historians obscured their ignorance by elaborating her life story out of her fascinating personality. My dissertation, which is also the first exhaustive art historical study on the artist, is dismantling this myth. Rasim was an ambitious artist and an upstart, Young Turk, who had a strategy to achieve her ambition. From the beginning of her career and for the rest of her life she pursued two goals: she expanded women’s horizon of possibilities and she aspired to be considered, in her own words, “among the talented people”. In Istanbul at a time when Turkish women could barely leave their harem, she set up the first fine arts school for women. While she was the head of women’s Academy, she introduced the first female nude classes in the history of Turkish arts. She allowed women to receive an art education comparable to European artistic standards and provided them access to a new profession. She created a scholarship for her students at the academy and tried to constitute an association of mutual help for female painters. She also made the portraits of Young-Turk leaders and of their entourage. She used her political connections in Istanbul, and, as she moved from Turkey to Europe to the United-States, she developed her artistic project with new interlocutors and in different contexts but always with the same purposes. She built a network to support her career. In order to achieve this she portrayed great modernist men of the first half of the twentieth century, even controversial ones – Alphonse XIII, Benito Mussolini, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Thomas Edison. With a feminist approach my dissertation establishes the importance of this cosmopolitan artist of the twentieth century. I am uncovering the details of her life and art, which were disregarded until today. Using original and unpublished archival materials, her elementary biographical facts are clarified. Dates for her works are submitted and identifications of her sitters are made. I propose an innovative approach to examine the painter and her artistic production not only in relation to Turkish plastic arts but also in relation to a more global artistic context. I assess the impact of her actions in her time and ours. My dissertation stands as a testament to the importance of major cultural and political women, and the limits that were and are once again placed upon them.

Uppsatsens syfte är att söka förklaring till varför den svenska regeringen valde att inte erkänna folkmordet på armenier/Seyfo samt undersöka på vilket sätt politiker använder sig av historia när de ska ta beslut i frågor som dels skett i en annan tid och som dels är obekväma att hantera. För att få svar på denna fråga har en kvalitativ metod använts. Argumentationsanalys samt kritisk diskursanalys har använts för att tolka de politiska argumentationerna och nyckelorden i den politiska debatten. Den utredning som regeringen beställde som underlag för sitt beslut har varit ett viktigt undersökningsmaterial. Vidare har intervjuer använts för att få en ökad förståelse av undersökningen. Syftet med uppsatsen har uppnåtts och förklaringen till varför den svenska regeringen valde att inte erkänna folkmordet på armenier/Seyfo är också en slutsats. Det fanns flera bakomliggande faktorer så som att inte stöta sig med en stor väljargrupp, inte riskera handelsrelationer dvs. ekonomiska intressen, dels flyktingfrågan mm. Dessa faktorer var dock inte de största utan den absolut största och även viktigaste orsaken var den som de inte tordes nämna. Denna faktor var att de var rädda för att ett erkännande skulle leda till påtryckningar och hot från Turkiet samt från olika intressenter i Sverige. / The purpose of the thesis is to seek an explanation as to why the Swedish government chose not to acknowledge the Armenian/Seyfo genocide and to investigate how politicians make use of history when making decisions on issues that have happened in another time and which are partly uncomfortable to manage. A qualitative method has been used to answer this question. Argumentation analysis and critical discourse analysis have been used to interpret the political arguments and keywords in the political debate. The investigation that the government ordered as a basis for its decision has been an important investigative material. Furthermore, interviews were used to gain a better understanding of the study. The purpose of the thesis has been achieved and the explanation as to why the Swedish government chose not to acknowledge the Armenian/Seyfo genocide is also a conclusion. There were several different underlying factors such as not clashing with a larger voter group, not risking trade relations i.e. financial interests, partly the refugee issue, etc. However, these factors were not the greatest, but the absolute greatest and also the most important reason was the one they did not dare mention. This factor was that they were afraid that recognition would lead to pressure and threats from Turkey as well as from various stakeholders in Sweden.

Text in German / Forschungsgegenstand dieser Arbeit ist Johannes Lepsius' Missiologie. Aufgabe der Untersuchung ist es, die wichtigsten missiologischen Auffassungen und Überzeugungen von Johannes Lepsius aus der Vielzahl seiner veröffentlichten Schriften zu erheben und sie dann erstmals systematisiert in einem Ge¬samtüberblick darzustellen. Die Besonderheit besteht dabei darin, dass sich die Missiologie von Johan¬nes Lepsius nur aus der Zusammenschau von zahlreichen Einzeläußerungen erschließen lässt, die sich zumeist in kleineren Aufsätzen und Zeitschriftenartikeln finden lassen. Somit ist es notwendig, seine einzelnen Schriften in ihrem jeweiligen - auch biographischen - Kontext wahrzunehmen und zu inter¬pretieren. Aus der Aufarbeitung der theologischen Grundlagen von Johannes Lepsius' Missiologie, sei¬ner Ansichten bezüglich der Missionsarbeit unter Muslimen und einiger weiterer spezieller missiologi¬scher Fragestellungen wird deutlich, dass Johannes Lepsius trotz durchaus vorhandener Parallelen zu anderen missiologischen Entwürfen in theologischer und missiologischer Hinsicht als eigenständiger Denker zu betrachten ist. Die Kenntnis der missiologischen Überzeugungen, die hinter Lepsius' so viel¬fältigen missionarischem, theologischem, sozialdiakonischem und politischem Wirken stehen, macht es möglich, seine äußerlich so wechselhafte Biographie besser zu verstehen. Darüber hinaus bietet seine Missiologie - besonders sein Reich Gottes-Verständnis - interessante Impulse für die heutige missiolo¬gische Diskussion, insbesondere was die Frage nach dem Verhältnis von Missionsauftrag und gesell¬schaftlichem Engagement betrifft. SUMMARY The object of this research work is the missiology of Johannes Lepsius. The task of the investigation is to collate the most important missiological opinions and beliefs of Johannes Lepsius from the large number of his published writing and then to present them in a systematic overview for the first time. They are characterised specifically by the fact that the missiology of Johannes Lepsius can only be de¬veloped from an overview summary of numerous individual statements which are generally to be found in smaller papers and journal articles. Therefore it is necessary to appreciate and interpret his individual writings in their specific - and also biographical - contexts. From the reworking of the theological prin¬ciples of Johannes Lepsius' missiology, his views on mission work amongst Muslims and some other special missiological questions, it becomes clear that Johannes Lepsius - despite existing parallels with other missiological models from a theological and missiological point of view - is to be viewed as an independent thinker. The knowledge of the missiological beliefs which underpin Lepsius' very varied missionary, theological, socio-diaconical and political activities makes it possible to have a better un¬derstanding of his biography that from the outside seems so incoherent. His missiology - especially his un¬derstanding of the Kingdom of God - also offers interesting inputs for today's missiological discus¬sions, especially as far as the question of the relationship between missionary work and social commit¬ment is concerned. / The object of this research is the missiology of Johannes Lepsius. The task of the investigation is to collate the most important missiological opinions and beliefs of Johannes Lepsius from the large number of his published writing and then to present them in a systematic overview for the first time. They are characterised specifically by the fact that the missiology of Johannes Lepsius can only be developed from an overview summary of numerous individual statements which are generally to be found in smaller papers and journal articles. Therefore it is neccessary to appreciate and interpret his individual writings in their specific - and also biographical - contexts. From the reworking of the theological principles of Johannes Lepsius' missiology, his views on mission work amongst Muslims and some other special missiological questions, it becomes clear that Johannes Lepsius - despite existing parallels with other missiological models from a theological and missiological point of view - is to be viewed as an independent thinker. The knowledge of the missiological beliefs which underpin Lepsius' very varied missionary, theological, socio-diaconical and political activities makes it possible to have a better understanding of his biography that from the outside seems so incoherent. His missiology - especially his understanding of the Kingdom of God - also offers interesting inputs for today's missiological discussions, especially as far as the question of the relationship between msiionary work and social commitment is concerned. / Christian Spirituality, Church History, Missiology / D.Th.(Missiology)

Text in German / Forschungsgegenstand dieser Arbeit ist Johannes Lepsius' Missiologie. Aufgabe der Untersuchung ist es, die wichtigsten missiologischen Auffassungen und Überzeugungen von Johannes Lepsius aus der Vielzahl seiner veröffentlichten Schriften zu erheben und sie dann erstmals systematisiert in einem Ge¬samtüberblick darzustellen. Die Besonderheit besteht dabei darin, dass sich die Missiologie von Johan¬nes Lepsius nur aus der Zusammenschau von zahlreichen Einzeläußerungen erschließen lässt, die sich zumeist in kleineren Aufsätzen und Zeitschriftenartikeln finden lassen. Somit ist es notwendig, seine einzelnen Schriften in ihrem jeweiligen - auch biographischen - Kontext wahrzunehmen und zu inter¬pretieren. Aus der Aufarbeitung der theologischen Grundlagen von Johannes Lepsius' Missiologie, sei¬ner Ansichten bezüglich der Missionsarbeit unter Muslimen und einiger weiterer spezieller missiologi¬scher Fragestellungen wird deutlich, dass Johannes Lepsius trotz durchaus vorhandener Parallelen zu anderen missiologischen Entwürfen in theologischer und missiologischer Hinsicht als eigenständiger Denker zu betrachten ist. Die Kenntnis der missiologischen Überzeugungen, die hinter Lepsius' so viel¬fältigen missionarischem, theologischem, sozialdiakonischem und politischem Wirken stehen, macht es möglich, seine äußerlich so wechselhafte Biographie besser zu verstehen. Darüber hinaus bietet seine Missiologie - besonders sein Reich Gottes-Verständnis - interessante Impulse für die heutige missiolo¬gische Diskussion, insbesondere was die Frage nach dem Verhältnis von Missionsauftrag und gesell¬schaftlichem Engagement betrifft. SUMMARY The object of this research work is the missiology of Johannes Lepsius. The task of the investigation is to collate the most important missiological opinions and beliefs of Johannes Lepsius from the large number of his published writing and then to present them in a systematic overview for the first time. They are characterised specifically by the fact that the missiology of Johannes Lepsius can only be de¬veloped from an overview summary of numerous individual statements which are generally to be found in smaller papers and journal articles. Therefore it is necessary to appreciate and interpret his individual writings in their specific - and also biographical - contexts. From the reworking of the theological prin¬ciples of Johannes Lepsius' missiology, his views on mission work amongst Muslims and some other special missiological questions, it becomes clear that Johannes Lepsius - despite existing parallels with other missiological models from a theological and missiological point of view - is to be viewed as an independent thinker. The knowledge of the missiological beliefs which underpin Lepsius' very varied missionary, theological, socio-diaconical and political activities makes it possible to have a better un¬derstanding of his biography that from the outside seems so incoherent. His missiology - especially his un¬derstanding of the Kingdom of God - also offers interesting inputs for today's missiological discus¬sions, especially as far as the question of the relationship between missionary work and social commit¬ment is concerned. / The object of this research is the missiology of Johannes Lepsius. The task of the investigation is to collate the most important missiological opinions and beliefs of Johannes Lepsius from the large number of his published writing and then to present them in a systematic overview for the first time. They are characterised specifically by the fact that the missiology of Johannes Lepsius can only be developed from an overview summary of numerous individual statements which are generally to be found in smaller papers and journal articles. Therefore it is neccessary to appreciate and interpret his individual writings in their specific - and also biographical - contexts. From the reworking of the theological principles of Johannes Lepsius' missiology, his views on mission work amongst Muslims and some other special missiological questions, it becomes clear that Johannes Lepsius - despite existing parallels with other missiological models from a theological and missiological point of view - is to be viewed as an independent thinker. The knowledge of the missiological beliefs which underpin Lepsius' very varied missionary, theological, socio-diaconical and political activities makes it possible to have a better understanding of his biography that from the outside seems so incoherent. His missiology - especially his understanding of the Kingdom of God - also offers interesting inputs for today's missiological discussions, especially as far as the question of the relationship between msiionary work and social commitment is concerned. / Christian Spirituality, Church History, Missiology / D.Th.(Missiology)