購物中心在國外已有長期的發展歷史，國內目前尚無購物中心的發展經驗，但民間經濟蓬勃發展，業者投資興趣濃厚，設置的區位選擇問題非常重要。 　　本研究對購物中心設置的區位選擇加以研究，研究內容除了參考零售商業區位選擇的文獻，在大範圍的區域中建立階層式的研究架構外，依序進行適合台灣購物中心發展的市場選擇、再劃定商圈範圍、另配合商圈內市場供需分析，選擇有設置購物中心潛力的商圈，最後在商圈的主、次要範圍內選擇購物中心設置的適宜據點。 　　本研究最主要的進展是建構一套能配合台灣購物中心設置區位的區位決策邏輯架構，尤以台灣沒有購物中心發展的軌跡可循，從市場選擇開始區隔購物中心和其他零售商業發展的不同，從消費者消費行為的基本假設，研究消費者到各商圈消費的機率，以市場的供給需求分析、需求門檻作為商圈選擇的判斷標準，最後以多目標分析法選出台灣北部區域適宜的設置據點，據以提出區位的具體建議。此為本研究的實質貢獻。 　　其中建議：(1).購物中心設置的區位選擇架構可以依本研究的選擇架構進行，可在大範圍中全面搜尋適宜區位。(2).本研究區位選擇的實證結果可作為私人業者、政府選擇購物中心區位或審核開發許可的參考。 　　然而實證的後續研究須再落實到基地區位選擇、預測縱斷面的時間資料預測、設置後的衝擊分析、經營分析，都是值得進一步研究的課題，有待繼續努力。

素有經貿聯合國之稱的世界貿易組織自2001年起推動的杜哈回合談判，歷經13年的談判僅於2013年12月達成小部分的早期收穫，如此緩速的進展，使得各國紛紛轉向較小規模，較快完成的區域貿易協定，亞太地區國家也積極的參與其中。亞太經濟合作（APEC）為亞太地區唯一的經貿相關跨政府論壇，亦關注到此發展趨勢。自2004年起經由企業家代表組成的企業諮詢委員會提案成立亞太自由貿易區，至2007年正式進入APEC的議程，但推動的過程並不順遂，美國遂轉向發展太平洋夥伴協定，東協國家專注於區域全面經濟夥伴協定，拉美會員體形成太平洋聯盟，APEC則發展出區域經濟整合議程並同時推動著亞太自由貿易區，後者雖然推動力道薄弱，但卻未消失在議程中。直至2010年及2014年在日本及中國大陸的主辦優勢下，將亞太自由貿易區定調為全面高品質的自由貿易協定，為APEC達成茂物目標的主要工具之一，而達成的途徑則是以現有的區域間發展的經濟整合機制為主，另外區域經濟整合議程採取部門別議題別的方式進行，也是朝著茂物目標邁進。 本研究從APEC的本質、原則及精神逐步探討至亞太自由貿易區及區域經濟整合議程兩個途徑的可能走向及發展限制等。對於採取條約式具約束性的亞太自由貿易區而言，獨自進行談判的機率極低，最可能透過太平洋夥伴協定擴大而成。而區域經濟整合議程則是便捷化的成果大於自由化，透過降低供應鏈障礙或通關經商便捷措施，亦可節省交易成本，應加以廣化及深化。我國在兩個途徑的參與上，在亞太自由貿易區的成型過程應完全參與，以避免我國被排除在外的可能性，至於區域經濟整合議程，則應加強在會務運作及貿易暨投資委員會及所屬次級論壇的力道，方能妥善運用我國少數擁有正式會籍的國際經貿組織為我國融入區域經濟創造有利的條件。 / The Doha Development Agenda (DDA) gained little progress by the WTO since 2001. Many countries including those in the Asia Pacific area changed their policy and decided to join themselves in free trade agreements (agreements which were smaller scale and faster to complete) in comparison with the DDA. Upon noticing this trend by APEC, the establishment of Free Trade Area of Asia-Pacific (FTAAP) was proposed in 2004 by the APEC Business Advisory Council. It became one of the topics in the APEC agenda in 2007. However, the progress of FTAAP was not as expected, members in APEC had their own focus thereafter. The United States focused on the Tras-Pacific Partership (TPP), ASEAN members developed the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and members in Latin America targeted on Pacific Alliance. Within APEC, the discussion of FTAAP till now has reached a consensus on the definition as a high quality and comprehensive trade agreement, that builds on the sub-regional trade agreement. Besides, there is another topic as regional economic integration agenda (REI agenda) which is subject oriented and non-binding to APEC members. Both FTAAP and REI agenda are ways for the realization of Bogor Goals. This study starts from the APEC content, principles and visions to the possible directions and restrictions of the development of the FTAAP and REI agenda. With regard to FTAAP, it's rule-based and it has little possibility to launch negotiations in a short term, and it could be accomplished by the expansion of TPP. In regard to the REI agenda, the accomplishment of facilitation is more important than liberalization. It should deepen and broaden the trade facilitation measures, such as supply-chain connectivity, customs procedures, transparency...etc. Finally the suggestions for Taiwan's participation in those two areas are as follows. To participate fully in the activity and the realization of FTAAP, this will avoid the possibility to be excluded from the FTAAP. Taiwan should invest a bigger effort in the Committee of Trade and Investment, its sub-flora and the meeting operation. We should make good use of APEC considering is one of the few international organizations Taiwan possesses full membership of to create a positive environment that will enable us in the economic integration.

冷戰時期，東南亞區域發展受限於美蘇軍事力量的影響而互有對峙。直至21世紀初，隨著美、蘇兩國在東南亞部署的部分軍事力量移轉，加上中國大陸持續經濟成長與綜合國力的提升，使得在深化與東南亞周邊外交關係發展上，創造出有利條件，中共藉由經濟合作與軍事手段執行其在東南亞地區的睦鄰政策，以符合其在亞太地區周邊外交的戰略作為。 中共對東南亞國家周邊外交，主要係以政治和睦、經濟互利、安全互信等三個面向為基礎目標，試圖建構一個和平穩定的亞太周邊環境。首先在政治上，主要作法是強化與周邊國家政治關係，透過領導人出訪與各領域、各層級工作會議召開以及各國政治協定的簽署，全面提升與東南亞各國雙邊關係；其次在經濟上，主要在雙邊與多邊關係上加強與周邊國家的經濟合作，推動區域經濟一體化，並透過自由貿易區的計畫，次區域合作與經濟援助，強化在東南亞的影響力，藉成立「中國-東協自由貿易區」拉攏東協各國家；再者在安全上，加強解決與周邊國家解決在領土與領海主權上的爭議，與周邊國家建立雙邊軍事互信機制，參與多邊安全機制，如：參與「東協區域論壇」，及《東南亞友好合作條約》的加入等，藉以營造區域內負責任的大國形象。 中共在周邊外交戰略中，在東南亞區域議題是基於國家周邊安全與區域安全的考量，與中美大國關係的建立重要議題。在2009年美國總統歐巴馬上任之後，宣示美國「重返亞洲」企圖，並啟動多項亞太政策，著墨於區域多邊途徑，其政策亦正逐步落實中，美國對亞太區域發展影響力隨之增加。然而因美國在亞太長期的戰略影響力，重新關注東南亞地區，並以東南亞為軍事戰略重點，也使得中共在制訂對東南亞區域戰略過程與考量，須同時考慮美國影響因素的存在性。 同時，在中國大陸本身國家安全戰略考量之下與東南亞各國家合作，將有利於其國家整體發展與國家核心利益的維持，然中共在東南亞區域的整體戰略，同時牽動中共整體的周邊外交戰略。 / During the Cold War Era, the development of Southeast Asia region was limited and caused confrontations because of the influence of military power posed by Soviet-American arm race. Not until the beginning of 21st century, Soviet Union and United States’ transition of parts of military deployment in Southeast Asia region, couple with Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) continual economic growth and developing overall national strength, have created favorable conditions for CCP in developing and deepening diplomatic relations within Southeast Asia region. Moreover, through economic cooperation and military means, CCP carries out neighborhood policy in accordance to its diplomatic strategy in Southeast Asia region. CCP’s good neighbor foreign policy in Southeast Asia region mainly focuses on political harmony, economic common benefits as well as security and mutual-trust. All the above are fundamental goals in order to construct a peaceful and stable Asia-Pacific region. First, to start with politics, CCP strengthens political relations with neighboring countries through Key leader engagements, working conferences in all fields and levels as well as signing political agreements to enhance bilateral relationship among Southeast Asia countries. Second, followed by economics, in bilateral or multi-lateral economic cooperation with neighboring states, to promote regional economy integration and strengthen the CCP’s influence in Southeast Asia by plan of free trade area, sub-regional cooperation and assistance of economy. Also, CCP establishes ASEAN–China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) in order to win ASEAN over. Third, in terms of security, CCP endeavors to resolve territory and maritime territory disputes with neighboring countries, sets up a bilateral military mutual trust mechanism, and participates in a multi-lateral security mechanism. For instance, CCP’s participation as a member of ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC) is able to create an image as a responsible rising power in the region. In CCP’s strategy of neighboring diplomacy, the issues are based on national and regional security in Southeast Asia region and how to built Sino-American relations. After the inauguration of Barack Obama in 2009, he declared the intention of pivot or rebalancing towards the Asia-Pacific region, and launched several Asia-Pacific policies describing the regional multilateral approach and gradually implementing policies as result of increasing of United States’ influence in Asia-Pacific region. However, the long-term strategic influence of United States of America in Asia, US’s pivot to Southeast Asia region, and military strategy focusing on Southeast Asia force CCP to consider the factors of influence of United States when CCP formulates Southeast Asia region strategies. In the meantime, under the consideration of CCP’s national security strategy, to cooperate with Southeast Asia countries is beneficial CCP’s overall national development and in maintaining national essential interests. In short, CCP’s overall strategy in Southeast Asia affects its neighboring diplomatic strategies simultaneously.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--York University, 2004. Graduate Programme in Political Science. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 467-490). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ99208

This study was conducted with the aim of investigating the trends and determinants of South Africa’s sugar production and exports within the TFTA between 1996 and 2014. The specific objectives of the study were (1) to identify trends in South Africa’s sugar production and exports within the TFTA between 1996 and 2014; (2) to determine the drift rate in South Africa’s sugar exports within the TFTA between 1996 and 2014; (3) to investigate the correlation between South Africa’s sugar production and exports between 1996 and 2014; and (4) to determine the factors that affect production and exports in South Africa’s sugar industry in order to identify the industry’s major challenges and opportunities for sustained performance. The secondary data, obtained from the Economic Analysis and Agricultural Statistics Directorate of the Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (DAFF), were used to meet the first three objectives of the study. The primary data, obtained by means of a survey questionnaire and interviews with key stakeholders, were used to meet the fourth objective of the study. A 7-point Likert scale was applied to indicate the degree to which each of the determining factors are perceived to affect the performance and resulting competitiveness of the sugar industry. The Johansen test and Porter’s Diamond Model were the analytical techniques used in the study. The results of the analysis of the secondary data revealed continued fluctuations in sugar production in South Africa between 1996 and 2014. On the basis of this, the researcher rejected the hypothesis that there is no trend in South Africa’s sugar production. It was therefore concluded that seasonal variations accounted for these fluctuations in the sugar industry. As determined using the Johansen test, drift rate variations came to 51%, indicating that there is potential for growth in South Africa’s sugar exports. This was confirmed by the results of the bivariate correlation between production and exports which clearly indicated a positive relationship between the two and prompted the researcher to accept the hypothesis that there is a positive relationship between the production and export of sugar. In determining the factors that influence South Africa’s sugar production and exports, a number of obstacles to competitiveness success were identified. With regard to sugar production, applying Porter’s Diamond model revealed that the major constraints experienced by respondents in the study area were the availability of skilled labour; cost of doing business; level of infrastructure development; cost of infrastructure; water availability; climatic conditions; soil quality; rainfall patterns; availability of financial services; access to credit; crime; and HIV/AIDS. In terms of exports, tariffs were found to be the major constraint along with certain of the abovementioned factors. While the majority of respondents view macroeconomic policy and trade policy as export constraints, South Africa’s labour, B-BBEE and competition policies are seen as neither constraining nor supportive. Product design; packaging; labelling and pricing; as well as the manager’s willingness to export; level of education and training; length of time in the business; experience; and language had a positive effect on competitive success. / Agriculture, Animal Health and Human Ecology / M. Sc. (Agriculture)

Magister Legum - LLM

Avec les accords euro-méditerranéens d’association, les pouvoirs publics algériens sont appelés à respecter les engagements internationaux et régionaux qui en résultent. Il s’agit en particulier de mettre en conformité les administrations fiscales et douanières. En effet, les transformations économiques et juridiques que produit la mise en place de ce genre d’accord d’association interpellent notamment les législateurs algériens pour entreprendre des réformes fiscales et douanières qui s’imposent par la libéralisation des échanges. L’objectif est donc de rapprocher le droit fiscal et douanier de l’Algérie avec les législations en vigueur dans les Etats de l’Union européenne et plus généralement euro-méditerranéens. C’est dans ce cadre que notre sujet se propose d’approcher et de débattre la réforme fiscale et douanière en Algérie. Pour cela, ce travail débute par une réflexion sur cet accord d’association, qui passe par l’évolution des relations entre l’Algérie et l’Union européenne. Puis nous abordons plus précisément la question des réformes fiscales et douanières en Algérie dans le cadre de cet accord d’association. Pour terminer nous traitons de l’importance de la bonne gouvernance financière dans le cadre de l’intégration régionale. / With the Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreements, the Algerian authorities are required to comply with the resulting international and regional commitments. This concerns in particular the conformity to the tax and customs administrations. In fact, the economic and legal transformations implemented by such an association agreement demand the Algerian legislators to undertake fiscal and customs reforms required by trade liberalization. The goal, therefore, is to bring the Algerian tax and customs law closer to the laws in force in the European Union states and more particularly in the Euro-Mediterranean ones. It is in this context that we aim through our subject to approach and discuss tax and customs reform in Algeria. For this, the work begins with a reflection on the Association Agreement, achieved through the development of relations between Algeria and the European Union. Then, we tackle specifically the issue of tax and customs reforms in Algeria on the occasion of the Euro-Mediterranean agreements. Finally we discuss the importance of good financial governance in the context of regional integration.

Thesis briefly mentions history of Chile and introduces three efforts for regional integration - Free Trade Area of the Americas, Andean Community of Nations and Mercosur. In next chapters, bilateral relations of Chile to four other countries are described, namely relations to its neighbours (Argentina, Bolivia and Peru) and to Brazil as a largest economy of the Latin America. The goal of the work is to analyse an effort of Chile for regional integration.

This thesis is focused on the accomplishments of the North American Free Trade Agreement after fifteen years since coming into force. The objective is to evaluate the existing trends in the three countries and review if the member states succeeded in fulfilling the goals of the Agreement. First part is dedicated to the development in the area of general goals, defined in the first articles of the Agreement. Second and third chapter examine the progress made in strategic goals of each country.

In this paper, we discuss the endogenous formation of self-enforcing climate coalitions linked to the issue of a free trade agreement. As a framework, a strategic trade model is used in which countries may discourage greenhouse gas emissions by means of an import tariff on dirty goods. In addition, countries can set an emissions cap being effective on a permit market. Our main focus, however, is on the utilization of terms of trade privileges provided to members of a preferential free trade area. We propose evidence for that the welfare gains of trade liberalization are strongly promoting the formation of climate coalitions. In the parametrical simulation of the model, global emissions as well as climate change damages are found significantly reduced compared to the BAU scenario while global welfare is found significantly higher.