This paper examines the non-profit organization Friskis&Svettis in order to gain insight into whether governmentality is used and if it is being used in what way. Furthermore we analyzed the requirements and consequences that that may have developed out of this governance structure. To get answers to the questions asked in this paper, a qualitative approach has been taken by the use of interviews with officials at Friskis&Svettis Uppsala. The conclusions drawn from the survey is that there are factors that indicate that governmentality is used within the organization by way of the use of guidelines which can be seen as a technique to control individuals and point them in the desired direction, and the follow-ups that can verify that the guidelines are being followed by the officials. The guidelines and the follow-up have also been an organizational requirement. A subsequent impact that was found is that certain leadership styles may be rewarded and that certain criteria on the personal level in terms of which individuals fit within the organization can be created. / I denna uppsats undersöks den ideella organisationen Friskis&Svettis med syfte att få insikt i huruvida självstyrning finns, vilken är vår teoretiska utgångspunkt, samt hur den i sådana fall tar form.  Ett vidare intresse har varit att analysera vilka krav och konsekvenser som kan komma att utvecklas ur denna styrningsform. För att få svar på undersökningens frågeställningar har en kvalitativ ansats använts genom intervjuer med funktionärer vid Friskis&Svettis Uppsala. De slutsatser som dragits från undersökningen är att det finns faktorer som pekar på självstyrning inom organisationen, dels passens riktlinjer som kan ses som en teknik för att styra individerna i önskad riktning, och dels uppföljningar som kan kontrollera att riktlinjerna efterföljs av funktionärerna. Riktlinjerna och uppföljningarna har även funnits som organisatoriska krav. En efterföljande konsekvens som funnits gäller hur vissa ledarstilar kan komma att premieras samt hur kriterier på det personliga planet vad gäller vilka individer som platsar inom organisationen kan skapas.

Studiens syfte var att ur ett socialt perspektiv utforska erfarenheter och konsekvenser som svensk vårdpersonal upplever efter de valt att inte vaccinera sig mot Covid-19. Speciellt fokus har riktats mot hur de upplever att valet påverkar deras välbefinnande och om de erfar arbetsrelaterade eller sociala konsekvenser av att välja bort vaccinet.  Elva semistrukturerade intervjuer genomfördes. Analysen baserades på en kvalitativ innehållsanalys som resulterade i tre kategorier och tretton underkategorier. Resultatet visar på olika konsekvenser och erfarenheter av att inte vaccinera sig mot Covid-19, som stigmatisering, polarisering, diskriminering och mobbing. Upplevelser beskrivs på individ- och gruppnivå, både på arbetsplatser och inom en social kontext. Resultatet visar även på att välbefinnandet har påverkats i både positiv och negativ riktning av att välja bort vaccinen. Denna studie visar att en sjukdomspreventiv intervention i form av massvaccination samtidigt kan inverka negativt på hälsofrämjande faktorer som välbefinnande och social trygghet för de som väljer att inte vaccinera sig.

Family environment is a significant factor in the development of eating disorders in young-adult females. Clinical experience, research and theories about eating disorders indicate that constrictive implicit process rules within a family are correlated with eating-disordered families. This study identified implicit family process rules that are unique to eating-disordered families and how well these rules predict membership in eating-disordered and non-eating-disordered families. One hundred and two families (51 eating-disordered and 51 comparison families) participated in the study. Mothers, fathers, young-adult female children, and siblings in each family completed the Family Implicit Rules Profile (FIRP). The design included cluster analysis of all 85 rules to determine which implicit rules clustered in eating-disordered families, and discriminant analysis to determine how well the rules from the cluster analysis predicted membership in the groups of eating-disordered vs. control families. Results indicated that two clusters emerged related to eating-disordered families. The first included rules regarding inappropriate protection of parents (ex. "Protect your parent even if they do not deserve it"), not upsetting or inconveniencing parents, the triangulation of a child (eg.. "Listen to a parent when they complain about the other parent"), avoiding pain at any cost, and blaming self for others' anger. Cluster 2 included rules about appearances (eg,. "Do whatever you have to do to look good to others") and rules about keeping family matters private. Discriminant analysis showed that these 15 implicit family rules predicted membership in either the eating-disordered or the non-eating-disordered family groups with 93% accuracy. Implications for family therapy are discussed.

The purpose of the study was to investigate unit managers' experiences of managing employee's psychological contracts after organizational changes. The study was based on eight qualitative interviews with unit managers within the same organization. Through a mixture of inductive and deductive thematic analysis, three main themes with associated subthemes emerged. Results showed that the respondents perceived communication as their most important tool for managing the psychological contract. It appeared that the respondents experienced differences in management depending on which employee the management concerned. Management was perceived as a balancing act, both in providing support during the revision of the contract and not becoming too emotionally affected, and in creating space for management after an organizational change. The conditions for management were also perceived to be influenced by the management's demands for delivery. Results showed that all respondent recognized the need to work with employees' psychological contracts and unspoken expectations after an organizational change. / Syftet med studien var att undersöka enhetschefers upplevelelser av att hantera anställdas psykologiska kontrakt efter organisatoriska förändringar. Studien baserades på åtta kvalitativa intervjuer med enhetschefer inom samma organisation. Genom en blandning av induktiv och deduktiv tematisk analys framkom tre huvudteman med tillhörande underteman. Resultatet visade att respondenterna upplevde kommunikation som deras viktigaste verktyg för hanteringen av det psykologiska kontraktet. Det framkom att respondenterna upplevde skillnader i hanteringen beroende på vilken medarbetare hanteringen berörde. Hanteringen upplevdes av flera respondenter som en balansakt, mellan att både agera socialt stöd under revideringen av kontraktet utan att bli alltför känslomässigt påverkad själv, och att skapa utrymme för hanteringen efter att en organisationsförändring genomförts. Förutsättningarna för hanteringen upplevdes dessutom påverkas av ledningens krav på leverans. Resultatet påvisade att samtliga respondenter såg behovet av att som chef arbeta med medarbetarnas psykologiska kontrakt och outtalade förväntningar efter en organisationsförändring.

Cette recherche se propose d'examiner, grâce aux outils et aux méthodes de l'anthropologie de la parole et de l'analyse discursive des récits de vie, la transmission des silences et des non-dits au sein de familles dont un membre est issu de la migration de la Bulgarie communiste. À partir d'un ensemble de récits de vie qui se composent de conversations avec les membres de douze familles dans lesquelles un des parents a émigré en France avant 1989, et d'une observation participante de trois années dans une classe de licence de bulgare à l'Inalco, les analyses s'organisent autour de trois axes de réflexion : les liens entre l'histoire socio-politique traversée et les histoires particulières vécues ; ceux entre la transmission et la réception d'une parole marquée par le silence ; ceux entre l'intégration d'un héritage oral et silencieux et l'extériorisation d'une performativité singulière. Outre les histoires familiales, des silences et des non-dits sont transmis par une génération élevée dans la censure et l'autocensure du régime totalitaire. Ce père ou cette mère ayant grandi dans un silence forcé, renvoie à ses enfants, à travers les récits de vie, bien plus que des mots et des paroles. Dans la première partie, une contextualisation historique de l'étude retrace la stratégie du silence dans l'idéologie communiste comme étant à l'origine de la difficulté à inscrire une histoire individuelle dans la grande Histoire. La seconde partie fait état de l'impact de l'expérience subjective du communisme bulgare sur le vécu du silence des parents dans leurs énonciations. Dans la troisième partie, l'étude se concentre sur les effets de ce silence parental sur la seconde génération qui perçoit des failles et des dissimulations dans les histoires reproduites elles-mêmes comme une épopée mythique familiale. Ce constat amène à la dernière partie qui démontre que pour répondre à ce silence, certains enfants vont agir dans leurs discours mais aussi au-delà de la parole, dans leur vie quotidienne. Certains tentent ainsi de performer ces silences pour transformer, par l'art et la création notamment, le poids d'un héritage oral et silencieux en richesse personnelle. Ce travail a pour but d'éclairer la façon dont les événements historiques vécus subjectivement conditionnent les récits de vie familiaux mais plus encore déterminent bien des manières de faire et de dire des enfants, constituant une seconde génération du silence qui n'a rien à perdre à le mettre en mots, et même à le crier haut et fort. / Using the tools and methods of anthropology of speech and discursive analysis of life stories, this research aims to examine the transmission of silences and the unspoken (non-dit) within families in which a member migrated from Communist Bulgaria. Based on several life stories stemming from conversations with members of twelve families in which one parent emigrated to France before 1989, and on three years of participant observation in an undergraduate Bulgarian class at the National institute for oriental languages and civilizations (INALCO), analyses are carried out around three foci: the study of links between socio-political history as it is crossed by particular life stories; those between the transmission and the reception of discourses marked by silence; those between the integration of an oral and silent heritage and the acting out of singular performativity. Besides family history, silences and the unspoken are transmitted by a generation raised under censorship and self-censorship within that particular totalitarian regime. Through these life stories a father or a mother raised in a context of forced silence indeed sends back much more than just words and talk to their children. The first part of this study will be a historical contextualization tracing back a strategy of silence within the Communist ideology as the origin of the difficulty to inscribe individual stories in larger History. The second part demonstrates the impact of the subjective experience of Bulgarian communism on the apprehension of silence by the parents in their discourse/narrations. In the third part, the study focuses on the effects of parental silence on the second generation, who necessarily perceive cracks and concealment in stories reproduced as a mythical family saga. This observation opens to the final part that argues that to answer this silence, some children act through discourse, but also beyond speech, in their daily lives. Some thus try to perform these silences to transform, through art and creation in particular, the weight of an oral but silent heritage into personal resources. This thesis aims to shed light on the way subjectively experienced historical events condition family life stories or even how they determine the way children do things and say things, thereby constituting a second generation that has nothing to lose in talking about this silence, or even to shout it loud and clear.

Abstract The aim was to describe the narratives unfolding in cooperative team meetings in acute psychiatric care. The cooperative team meeting is based on cooperative care, in which power and responsibility are shared between the participants. The participants in cooperative team meeting are the patient, her/his significant others and health care professionals. The aim of these meetings is defined based on the patient's need for care. The purpose of the study was to produce new knowledge about cooperative team meetings in psychiatric care. The results can be used to develop psychiatric care and the processes of learning and studying to nurse. The study approach was narrative, and it was focused on narratives in the cooperative team storytelling process. The data consisted of 11 videotaped cooperative team meeting in two acute psychiatric wards. The participants in each case consisted of a voluntary patient, his/her significant others, primary physicians, nurses and other experts. The research was a process. The spoken narratives in cooperative team meetings were approached using the methods of "Categorical-Content" reading and dialogue analysis based on a narrative approach. The unspoken narratives were unfolded using the QRS NVivo computer program and the "Holistic-Content" reading method. In the first phase, the silent narrative "shame" was found. In the second phase, the narratives "active" and "passive participation" based on cooperative care were found. In the third phase, the spoken and unspoken combined narrative "Shared-rhythm cooperation" was found. According to the results, the cooperative team meeting consisted of unspoken narratives. The cooperative team meeting was based on cooperative care if the participants defined and shared the topic of discussion and had eye contact and the authoritarian participant gave space for expression. The cooperative team meetings required open-ended and reasonable questions by the health care professionals. Furthermore, the interpretation was to be based on the patient's or the significant other's narratives and the meanings the events had had for them. The participants were able to introduce their narratives to the storytelling process if they had enough time. Shared understanding was possible if all participants' narratives were in interaction with each other. The cooperative team meeting was expert-initiative, if the storytelling was based on the professionals' narratives. The expert-initiative storytelling consisted of control, monologue, unreadable faces and immobility. The main goal was to elicit information of the patient, and the role of the patient and his/her significant others was to be a passive recipient. / Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa kuvataan psykiatrisen yhteistyöneuvottelun keskustelussa rakentuvia kertomuksia. Yhteistyöneuvottelu perustuu yhteistoiminnallisen hoidon lähtökohtiin, jossa valta ja vastuu ovat jaettu siihen osallistuvien kesken. Siten yhteistyöneuvottelu on psykiatrisen potilaan, hänen määrittelemiensä läheisten ja hänen hoitoonsa osallistuvien asiantuntijoiden potilaan tilanteeseen perustuva tapaaminen. Tutkimuksessa on tuotettu uutta tietoa yhteistoiminnallisesta yhteistyöneuvottelusta psykiatrisessa hoidossa. Tulosten perustella voidaan kehittää hoitotyön käytäntöä ja koulutusta. Tutkimuksen lähestymistapa oli narratiivinen ja tutkimuksen kohteena oli yhteistyöneuvottelun kertomistilanteessa rakentuvat kertomukset. Tutkimusaineisto muodostui 11 videoidusta yhteistyöneuvottelusta kahdelta psykiatriselta akuuttiosastolta. Näihin yhteistyöneuvotteluihin osallistuvat olivat vapaaehtoisia potilaita, hänen nimeämiään läheisiä, lääkäreitä, hoitajia ja muita asiantuntijoita. Tutkimus eteni prosessina. Yhteistyöneuvottelun sanallisia kertomuksia rakennettiin narratiivisella "Categorical-Content" - ja dialogianalyysi lukutavoilla. Sanattomia kertomuksia rakennettiin QRS NVivo-tietokoneohjelmalla ja " Holistic-Content"- lukutavalla. Prosessin ensimmäisessä vaiheessa löydettiin yhteistyöneuvottelun kertomaton kertomus "häpeä". Prosessin toisessa vaiheessa rakentui yhteistoiminnallisuutta kuvaavat "aktiivinen-" ja "passiivinen osallistuja"- kertomukset. Kolmannessa vaiheessa rakentui sanallisen ja sanattoman kertomisen yhdistävä "jaettu rytminen yhteistyö"-kertomus. Tulosten mukaan psykiatrinen yhteistyöneuvottelu sisälsi kertomatonta kertomusta. Psykiatrinen yhteistyöneuvottelu oli yhteistoiminnallista, jos siihen osallistujat määrittelivät ja jakoivat yhteisen kertomisen kohteen, osallistujilla oli katsekontakti ja auktoriteetti antoi tasapuolisesti tilaa kaikille osallistujille. Yhteistoiminnallisuus edellytti asiantuntijoilta avoimia ja perusteltuja kysymyksiä. Lisäksi se edellytti, että asiantuntija vahvisti kertomisen seurauksena syntyvän tulkinnan potilaalta. Yhteistoiminnallinen hoito edellytti myös aikaa, jotta kaikki voivat tuoda näkökulmansa yhteisen kertomuksen rakentamiseen. Jaettu ymmärrys potilaan tilanteesta mahdollistui, jos kaikkien osallistujien kertomukset olivat vuorovaikutuksessa keskenään. Psykiatrinen yhteistyöneuvottelu oli asiantuntijalähtöistä, jos yhteistyöneuvottelun sisältöä rakennettiin asiantuntijoiden kertomuksista ja asiantuntijat pitäytyivät omissa kertomuksissaan. Asiantuntijalähtöinen kertominen sisälsi kontrollointia, monologia, ilmeettömyyttä ja eleettömyyttä. Asiantuntijalähtöisen kertomuksen pääpaino oli tietojen keruussa, tällöin potilaan ja hänen läheisensä tehtävänä oli tiedon antaminen.

No description available.

Ce travail de recherche prend sa source dans mes diverses expériences professionnelles, sur plus de dix ans, en tant que psychologue clinicienne et psychanalyste en formation, exerçant avec des enfants, des adolescents, leurs familles ainsi qu’avec des adultes. Il s’agit d’une clinique particulière puisqu’elle a été recueillie au Liban, un pays qui a une histoire difficile à cerner, ponctuée de guerres et parsemée de violences. Un pays qui est marqué par un système de résonance et d’écho entre les traumas individuels et les rapports aux traumas collectifs. Cette recherche porte plus précisément sur une population bien définie puisqu’elle est exclusivement constituée d’ex-enfants, puis ex-adolescents de la guerre de 1975 à 1991 ayant vécu dans l’ex-Beyrouth-Est, puis devenus désormais adultes. Elle est aussi caractérisée par le fait qu’une fois le travail de la cure est bien avancé, j’ai pu comprendre que j’avais durant mon enfance puis mon adolescence, partagé, des tranches de vie avec mes patients. Ces moments étaient des vécus de guerre traumatiques. En effet, mes patients adultes, les parents des petits en cure et moi-même, nous-nous sommes trouvés aux mêmes endroits, et nous avons vécu aux mêmes moments, seuls, loin des adultes, les mêmes événements de guerre. Il s’agit d’une réflexion qui englobe au final, quatre générations. Je m’interroge sur la qualité du lien qui existerait entre la question des particularités du travail d’élaboration de situations de traumatismes personnels et de traumatismes familiaux au sein de thérapies d’enfants. Mon interrogation porte également sur le type d’intéraction qu’il y aurait entre le trauma spécifique du parent ex-enfant de la guerre et celui du trauma collectif propre à un pays en guerre. Comment ceci se joue-t-il dans la cure et avec le thérapeute de l’enfant (génération 1) né après la guerre ? Je m’interroge, d’une part, sur les modalités défensives des parents (génération 2) et les particularités des traumatismes personnels internes qui survenaient en écho avec des traumatismes familiaux entremêlés et emboîtés aux traumatismes cumulatifs collectifs/sociaux. D’autre part, je me questionne à propos de la psyché parentale qui me semblait figée, envahie, prisonnière d’un « entre-deux intérieur/extérieur-non-humain, fantasme/réalité », aux liens forts et inapparents qui semblaient inexistants mais desquels ils ne pouvaient pas se libérer à l’âge adulte. Je me demande si les enfants (génération 1) nés après la guerre, ne seraient pas pour leurs parents (génération 2), réduits à un symptôme ; symptôme que ces derniers n’auraient pas eu la possibilité de porter durant leur vécu infantile. L’enfant (génération 1) ne serait-il pas le porteur du « clivé parental » ? Je me demande finalement si les parents (génération 2) pourraient avoir accrédité, lors de l’entretien qui fixe le cadre, le contrat muet ou pacte suivant : « nous savons/vous savez ce que nous avons/vous avez vécu dans notre/votre enfance : on le pose là et on n’en parle pas ». Même si ce pacte n’a pas été explicité verbalement, la transmission s’établissait d’une autre manière : au-delà du langage. C’est pour cette raison qu’en confiant leur enfant, ces parents (génération 2) parvenaient enfin et pour la première fois, à confier l’enfant en eux à une personne qui « saurait », qui « serait passée par là » et qui a « les mots pour l’exprimer ». Pour essayer de répondre à mes interrogations, je tente d’introduire et d’expliquer une modalité particulière de vivre le cadre analytique : il s’agirait d’une co-construction, avec le patient d’un cadre. Ce cadre serait comme une piste de danse propice à la mise en place d’une « chorégraphie de la cure » qui permettrait à l’analyste et son patient de « danser avec la cure ». Ceci sous-entend un mouvement de rythmicité, un rapproché, un va et viens nécessaire à l’évolution.... / This research is rooted in my various professional experiences over more than a decade as a clinical psychologist and psychoanalyst in training, dealing with children, adolescents, their families as well as adults. This relates to a particular type of clinical work since the data for this study was collected in Lebanon, a country that has an elusive history, punctuated by wars and scattered violence; a country that is characterized by a resonating and echoing system between individual trauma and collective traumas. This study refers more precisely to a well-defined population, consisting exclusively of former children and adolescents of the 1975-1991 Lebanese war having lived and grown up in the former East Beirut. The study is also characterized by the fact that, once the analytic cure was well advanced, I was able to understand that I experienced, during my childhood and my adolescence, similar shared moments with my patients pertaining to traumatic experiences resulting from the war. In fact, my adult patients, the parents of the children in psychotherapy as well as myself, found ourselves as children and adolescents in the same places, experiencing the same epoche, alone, and away from adults (our parents or teachers), the same violent and destructive war events. This is a reflection that pertains to four generations. I wonder as to the quality of the links that exist between the peculiarities of the elaborative work of personal traumatic experiences and family traumas within the context of child psychotherapy. My interrogations also relate to the possible type of interaction existing between the specific trauma of the parent who is an ex-child (and ex-adolescent) of the war and the collective trauma that is specific to a country at war. I question in part the nature of the defense modalities of parents (generation 2) And the particularities of inner personal traumas that occur as an echo to family’s trauma, intertwined and interlocked with cumulative and collective social trauma. Moreover, I question why the parental psyche seems frozen, as if invaded, a prisoner “in a “no man’s land”, an undefined territory internal/external- non-human, fantasy/reality”, I also wonder about the strong, hidden links that seemed to glue up the members of a family. Those links or particular ways to live the attachment seemed, at first, apparently nonexistent but paradoxically they were extremely present in the sessions. The adults seamed unable to free themselves from this chain. I wonder if the children (generation 1) born after the war, are not, in the parental psyche (generation 2) reduced to a symptom – a symptom that the parents (generation 2) could not have had the opportunity to carry during their own childhood. Therefore, the child (generation 1) would be the bearer of "parental splitting"? I finally question the setting and wonder if the parents (generation 2) may not have accredited during our first encounter the « psychoanalytic » framework with the following dumb contract or agreement: "we know/you know what we/you have lived in our/ your childhood: we leave it aside and we do not talk about it at all. " Although the pact has not been explained verbally, transmission seemed to have been established in a « non-verbal communication. It may be for this reason that, the parents (generation 2) felt sufficiently at ease to try and place, for the first time in their lives, the suffering “child in them” in what they might have felt as being the securing, healing and soothing arms of “someone” who can be there for them; “someone” who has known what they have encountered because he is not a total stranger to their childhood experiences, “someone” who has the words and the capacity to talk about these unpleasant things; someone who may be able to express the “unspeakable experiences” with simple words ....

Family life is organized by rules, and most of them are unspokenly agreed-upon by family members and may be even out of awareness. Implicit family process and couple rules may facilitate or constrain family relationship and intimate couple relationship growth. Prevalence of family rules may be different across cultures. Family members may perceive their rules and family functioning differently according to their family position and gender. Married couples may view their relationship rules differently than couples who cohabit. This study utilized the Family Implicit Rules Profile (FIRP) and the Couples Implicit Rules Profile (CIRP) Questionnaires to answer these research questions. The questionnaires were translated into Hungarian, and the content validity of the Hungarian translation was established. Hungarian non-clinical families and couples were compared to American (U.S.) non-clinical families and couples to examine how prevalent implicit rules were in the two cultures. According to the findings, Hungarian families and couples scored lower on the total FIRP and CIRP scores. Hungarian families perceived implicit family rules regarding kindness and monitoring less prevalent, and rules regarding constraining their thoughts, feelings and self more prevalent than American families. No differences were found in expressiveness and connection and inappropriate caretaking of parents between the two cultures. Hungarian couples perceived their implicit relationship rules regarding kindness, expressiveness and connection and monitoring less prevalent than American couples. No differences in implicit rules about constraining thoughts, feelings and self and inappropriate caretaking of partner were found between the two cultures. Mothers in both cultures viewed their families in a more positive light than other family members, and female family members (mothers and daughters) were more positive than their male counterparts (fathers and sons) about rules in their families in both cultures. Sons in both cultures perceived more responsibility to protect their parents emotionally than did daughters. Married couples in both cultures perceived their relationship rules more favorably in terms of kindness and monitoring than cohabiting couples. Results were interpreted in the context of cultural differences between the American and the Hungarian cultures. Limitations and the possibility of future research are discussed.

With an estimated 500 infections everyday, the country is beset with a galloping HIV and AIDS epidemic. With these accelerating numbers, it is no longer possible to ignore people living with HIV and AIDS, as they will inevitably form a more and more significant volume of the workforce. A key aspect of this phenomenon, that needs dedicated attention, is the issue of their stigmatisation in the workplace. The intent is to present the voice of the stigmatised. The dissertation attempts to understand how a stigmatised identity affects a productive member of society. It tries to capture the perspective of sero-positive persons as productive members of society and not as `victims' or `threats'. The ultimate objective is to influence policy in the workplace in order to provide a nurturing and productive work environment. The key thought emerging from the research is: driven by the inescapable structural stigma of the workplace, the virus fundamentally influences the self-definition of the sero-positive person. / Sociology / M.A.