Seit mehr als zehn Jahren wird in Städten weltweit über die „Kreative Stadt“ debattiert. Doch können Städte Kreativität fördern? Aus einer stadtsoziologischen Perspektive wird zunächst gefragt, welche Möglichkeiten die Stadt zur Entfaltung von Kreativität bietet. Das Verhältnis von Kreativität und Stadt wird als eine Wechselwirkung konzipiert, bei der Städte besondere Gelegenheitsstrukturen und Möglichkeitsräume für die Entstehung und Bewertung von Kreativität darstellen können, die mit Anthony Giddens Strukturationstheorie als Regeln und Ressourcen interpretiert und in den Interaktionen, Beziehungen und Institutionen verortet werden, die mit und zwischen Kreativtätigen in Städten entstehen. Aus einer Governanceperspektive wird dann gefragt, welche sozialen und soziopolitischen Arrangements sich zur Koordination von Kreativität in Städten herausbilden. Im Fokus der empirisch-analytischen Untersuchung stehen horizontale Kooperationsformen wie Netzwerke und Steuerungskreise von kreativwirtschaftlichen und öffentlichen Akteuren deren Ziel die Unterstützung der kreativwirtschaftlichen Branchen ist. Diese Governancestrukturen werden als intermediäre Strukturen betrachtet, die für die Beförderung von Kreativität wesentliche Koordinations- und Vermittlungsleistungen erbringen können. In einem explorativen, multimethodischen, qualitativen Fallstudienansatz werden jeweils zwei Governancearrangements in Berlin und London untersucht. Allen gemeinsam ist, dass sie eher symbolische Funktionen erfüllen, die Kooperationsbereitschaft anzeigen als Abstimmungs- und Aushandlungsprozesse und die Erarbeitung gemeinsamer Problemdefinitionen und Lösungsansätze. Trotz intensiver „Kreative Stadt“ - Diskussionen bildet „Kreativität als Ressource der Stadtentwicklung“ noch kein Deutungsrahmen, mit dem sich politische Mehrheiten für gezielte Strategien in den Städten mobilisieren lassen. / In the last decade, creativity has been promoted as the new key resource of urban development. From a governance perspective, the empirical-analytical inquiry focuses on the question how the ‘creative city’ has been translated into new governance processes and how creativity can be governed in cities. The empirical research draws on four governance arrangements between creative industries stakeholders and public bodies in Berlin and London and is based on an embedded multi-case-study-design with different qualitative methods such as interviews, content analysis and participant observation. These unfolding governance arrangements share objectively several productive features for success and policy innovation in that particular policy field: they combine a diversity of new actors and stakeholders in open and inclusive designs, exhibit passion and endurance of key actors, display a common interest and are matched by supportive, new strategic objectives from the two urban governments. Nevertheless, they also miss several features: a common frame of reference for defining a problem and for integrating disparate knowledge between all stakeholders, no prior cooperation experiences, hardly any financial resources, and eventually, a rather opportunistic and week commitment by urban governments. As in many other cities, the idea of a ‘creative city’ was rather used a ‘rhetorical device’ by urban politics to refashion existing policies instead of appropriate policy-making that supports cultural production in its multifaceted ways.

Die Stadtentwicklungspolitik in Deutschland formuliert aufgrund veränderter Rahmenbedingungen wie dem demografischen Wandel, der Globalisierung der Wirtschaftsbeziehungen oder auch veränderter öffentlicher Finanzen, die normative Idee, Stadtquartiere durch eine intensivere Beteiligung privater Akteure zu entwickeln. Bisherige Versuche der Städtebauförderung die Einbindung privater Kleineigentümer in quartiersbezogene Handlungsansätze zu stimulieren zeigen, dass dies bislang nur unzureichend gelingt. Auf rationalen Handlungslogiken basierende Theorien sprechen im Zusammenhang der privaten Erstellung öffentlicher Güter sogar von „Marktversagen“. Und trotzdem existieren bereits erste Eigentümerstandortgemeinschaften (ESG) in Deutschland. Was ermöglichte dieses private Engagement? Angesichts fehlender empirischer Daten über freiwilliges kollektives Handeln privater Eigentümer in der Quartiers-entwicklung, geht die vorliegende Dissertation der Frage nach, welche Faktoren die Entstehung von ESG bestimmen und die institutionelle Struktur von ESG charakterisieren. Zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage wurde ein vergleichendes Fallstudiendesign mit ESG in Dortmund, Essen und Görlitz gewählt. Die Ergebnisse der Dissertation verdeutlichen, dass ESG als abhängige Variable sowohl durch die individuellen Interessen bzw. Handlungsstrategien der Immobilieneigentümer bei der Bewirtschaftung ihrer Immobilien, als auch durch den Steuerungsanspruch staatlicher Akteure in der Quartiersentwicklung bestimmt werden. Die Autorin leitet die individuellen und kollektiven Handlungsstrategien der Akteure her und setzt sich mit der individuellen Motivation zum Handeln auseinander. Zusätzlich werden grundlegende institutionelle Merkmale von ESG und ihre Eigenheit als Urban Governance-Ansatz diskutiert. Aus den als Hypothesen formulierten Ergebnissen werden abschließend Schlussfolgerungen für die Praxis sowie der weitere Forschungsbedarf abgeleitet. / This PhD thesis deals with a concept of urban development which is at present in a pilot phase in Germany, the Local Property Owner Partnership (LoPOP). These are characterized by a voluntary collective development of the quarter at the initiative of the property owners. The demographic, economic and social structures lead to spatially differentiated changes which induce complex problems in urban development. Among others, this may result in a notable increase of vacant flats, an increasing demand for low-barrier flats or in investment backlogs of the public infrastructure. A large part of the up-coming investment tasks concerns private property and requires action by private property owners, e.g. in the development of living space. Attempts to activate proprietors via urban development funding have shown minor success up to now. Current urban development policy formulates the idea to reach a positive development of structurally weak quarters by a more intensified participation of private actors in collective approaches. In view of the missing of empirical data on voluntary action by private proprietors in the urban development, the PhD thesis investigates which factors determine the establishment of Local Property Owner Partnerships and characterize their institutional structure. Due to the small number of existing LoPOPs in Germany as well as to the limited number of scientific publications dealing with this subject, a comparative case study design was chosen. Fifty-six partially structured interviews were held in three heterogeneously distinctive LoPOPs in Dortmund, Essen and Görlitz. The transcribed interview data were processed by means of reconstructive content analyses and the results were formulated as hypotheses. The results of the thesis show that the subject of examination, LoPOPs, can be discussed with respect to actor-related and institutional theories as well as governance approaches. LoPOPs are defined as a dependent variable with respect to the individual interests and strategies of action of the property owners concerning their real estate management as well as to the governance requirements of state actors concerning the development of the quarter. Thereby, it has become apparent that one should make a distinction between the strategies of action of the state and the private actors. Both groups show three basic types of action strategies which have constructional and social as well as structural impacts on the quarter. The individual strategies of action of the proprietors are invest, wait and exit. With regard to the quarter, the municipal actors have the strategies develop, wait or retract at their disposal. Moreover, the data analyses discovered a path dependency between the individual management strategies of the proprietors and their action in the collective situation. The actors who are focusing on wait or on exit play the role of free riders. With regard to the proprietors who are willing to invest, three collective strategies of action may be noted: wait, individual effort and cooperation. As a central motive for choosing the collective strategy of action cooperation and, thus for commitment to participating in the LoPOP, the reduction of uncertainty could be identified. According to this, the preparedness for cooperation depends on the intensity of uncertainty in the management of the property and, thus, also on the degree of being affected by the above mentioned structural change. Whether the LoPOP is a suitable tool for the elimination of this uncertainty is closely connected with its institutional structure. LoPOPs are - taking into account the specific constellation of actors - characterized by high transaction costs, due to the low legal and social possibilities for sanctions. Therefore, a clear value of the projects and the common standards of the actors are all the more necessary for success. LoPOPs deal with the development of quarters and produce, as a private initiative, also public goods. This establishes the public interest in their development. The results of the thesis show that, due to the constellation of actors, interests and themes in voluntary LoPOPs, the state actors concentrate on the interaction form of the horizontal coordination. Therefore, LoPOPs can be referred to as a form of Urban Governance. Moreover, it becomes obvious that, when the mission statement of a voluntary, informal and private network of small proprietors shall be realised, on the one hand free riders cannot be avoided, on the other hand the public authorities are indispensable providing consulting and financial support. In comparison with traditional approaches of urban development funding, LoPOPs, as collective development approaches, need an intensive involvement of local actors in addition to the thematic debate during their preparation. The thesis terminates with conclusions for practice as well as needs for further research drawn from the generated hypotheses. The needs for further research refer inter alia to the evaluation of effects of the LoPOPs; the analysis of learning processes among the groups of actors in the development process and in the verification of the generated hypotheses in this work.

J'ai déjà fini le plan de mémoire, et commencé le écriture de mémoire. Je vais envoyer les parties écrits à mon directeur chaque mois. Je pense à finir les parties: Resume, Introduction, Literature: October 2017 Deuxième partie : Octobre 2017 Troisième partie: Novembre 2017 Quatrième partie: Decembre 2017 Cinquième partie: Janvier 2018 Corriger: Fevier 2018 / I have already finished the plan of thesis, and started writing.My project is as below: Summary, Introduction, Literature review: October 2017 Second part : October 2017 Third part: November 2017 Forth part: December 2017 Fifth part: January 2018 Correction and revise: February 2018

In Dhaka, Bangladesh over five million people live in low-income, informal settlements (bustees) with limited access to basic services, secure land tenure and political voice. Whilst collective action among the urban poor is central to accessing affordable services and - when taken to scale - a broader politics of 'redistribution, recognition and representation' (Fraser 1997; 2005), little is known about how Dhaka's slum dwellers organise, and the extent to which this is (or can be) transformative. To deepen our understanding, this thesis utilises collective action theory to examine intra-group dynamics, the instrumental value of groups and broader context of urban governance that enables and/or constrains certain forms of collective action in Dhaka's bustees. Case studies of Community Based Organisations (CBOs) in three bustees are used as a lens to explore how slum dwellers organise to obtain basic services, such as water and sanitation. CBOs are disaggregated into two main types (externally or NGO-initiated and internally or leader-initiated) and sub-types (formal and informal), with three sub-themes; participation (leadership and membership), function (activities and responsibilities) and outcomes (equity and sustainability). A mixed qualitative toolkit, including in-depth observations of CBOs, interviews with CBO leaders, members, non-members and key-informant interviews with NGO, government officials and citywide urban poor groups, reveals the complex relationship between collective action, service provision and urban governance in Dhaka. Two key findings emerge. Firstly, similar patterns in participation and outcomes are observed regardless of CBO type, whereby politically-affiliated local leaders and house owners create, enter and/or use CBOs to address their strategic agendas, and reinforce their authority. This demonstrates that, as opposed to bounded groups, CBOs are in fact nodes of interconnected individuals, some of whom are better able to participate in (and benefit from) collective action, than others. Secondly, although collective action plays an increasingly important role in service provision in Dhaka (especially legal water supply), it is largely practical in nature (i.e. addressing immediate needs). In cases where it is more strategic (i.e. to access land and housing), or both practical and strategic (i.e. obtaining legal water supply to secure land), certain male local leaders seek to benefit over others. In all cases, transformative collective action is constrained. This, it is argued, relates to the broader context of urban governance that enables certain forms of collective action, while constraining others, in Dhaka's bustees. Three (interrelated) spheres of urban governance are identified as particularly important: 1) patron-centric state; 2) risk-averse and market-oriented development sector; and 3) clientelistic society. Whilst existing collective action theory has value for understanding intra-group dynamics, fieldwork suggests that the urban governance context is the overarching factor affecting collective action in Dhaka's bustees. The thesis concludes with potential ways forward.

Recent developments around the sharing economy bring to the fore questions of governability and broader societal Benefit-and subsequently the need to explore effective means of public governance, from nurturing, on the one hand, to restriction, on the other. As sharing is a predominately urban phenomenon in modern societies, cities around the globe have become both locus of action and central actor in the debates over the nature and organization of the sharing economy. However, cities vary substantially in the interpretation of potential opportunities and challenges, as well as in their governance responses. Building on a qualitative comparative analysis of 16 leading global cities, our findings reveal four framings of the sharing economy: "societal endangerment","societal enhancement", "market disruption", and "ecological Transition". Such framings go hand in hand with patterned governance responses: although there is considerable heterogeneity in the combination of public governance strategies, we find specific configurations of framings and public governance strategies. Our work reflects the political and ethical debates on various economic, social, and moral issues related to the sharing economy, and contrib-utes to a better understanding of the field-level institutional Arrangements-a prerequisite for examining moral behavior of sharing economy organizations.

The issue of indiscriminate urban expansion is not uncommon in Africa. It has created haphazard, unplanned, and unapproved development that negatively affected urban planning for cities in the Niger Delta Region in Nigeria. Using Stone's urban regime theory, the purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore from the perspective of developers, associations, and government agencies (referred to as stakeholders), the roots causes of indiscriminate urban development and their activities in the process in the Niger Delta Region. Data were collected through semi structured telephone interviews with 10 participants who had at least 5 years experience working in public and private organizations in the urban setting. Interviews were transcribed, coded, and analyzed using Braun and Clarke's procedure for thematic analysis. Findings included six themes of limited knowledge, passive role, recognition of experiencing the problem, contributing to the problem, weakness of regulatory framework, and lack of synergy in the process. The principal theme was limited knowledge of the roles and obligations of participants which impede participation in the planning process. The recommendations, if implemented, may result in positive changes and bring many benefits to city residents such as better housing and traffic systems, adequate sanitation and improved access to public services. To do so, government agencies in the urban sector should engage the stakeholders to create synergy. Following these recommendations may help resolve the issue of indiscriminate urban expansion, promote effective planning and management, and ensure good governance and sustainable development in the urban setting.

L'un des éléments qui caractérisent le processus de mondialisation de l'économie est le développement de la logistique du fret comme secteur stratégique pour déterminer les avantages concurrentiels des régions urbaines. Cette étude analyse le lien entre l'évolution du marché, la réorganisation de l'Etat et le développement des infrastructures logistiques urbaines. Le point d'entrée de cette analyse est l'étude des politiques qui ont produit et gouverné au fil du temps deux marchés alimentaires de gros européens : le MIN Rungis et les Marchés Généraux de Milan. Leur comparaison explique comment les changements structurels ont influencé leur évolution et pourquoi aujourd'hui deux marchés de gros qui étaient initialement très similaires d'un point de vue analytique différent, ont deux policy outcome très différents. En utilisant une approche théorique et méthodologique basée sur les contributions du néo-institutionnalisme historique et de l'économie politique urbaine, le rôle des groupes d'intérêts, des acteurs politiques, des règles politiques et du marché est éclairé. Ces facteurs sont liés entre eux pour expliquer la policy conversion observée pour le MIN Rungis et la policy drift dans le cas de Milan. Enfin, les processus politiques qui ont mené à ces résultats sont expliqués en termes de mécanismes causaux. L'analyse met en évidence le rôle central des règles de politique locale et du contexte politique dans la détermination de la capacité des groupes d'intérêt locaux à influencer les processus décisionnels, et l'effet de leur mobilisation sur le développement de ces infrastructures urbaines. / One of the elements that characterize the process of economic globalization is the development of freight logistics as a strategic sector to determine the competitive advantages of urban regions. This study analyses the link between market changes, state reorganisation and the development of urban logistics infrastructures. The entry point for this analysis is the study of the policies that have produced and governed over time two European wholesale food markets: the MIN Rungis and the General Markets of Milan. Their comparison explains how structural changes have influenced their evolution and why today two wholesale markets, which were initially very similar from an analytical point of view, have nowadays two very different policy outcomes. Using a theoretical and methodological approach based on the contributions of historical neo-institutionalism and urban political economy, the role of interest groups, political actors, political rules and the market is clarified. These factors are interrelated to explain the policy conversion observed for MIN Rungis and the policy drift in the case of Milan. Finally, the policy processes that led to these results are explained in terms of causal mechanisms. The analysis highlights the central role of local policy rules and political context in determining the ability of local interest groups to influence decision-making processes, and the effect of their mobilization on the development of these urban infrastructures.

Rooted in the theories of urban entrepreneurialism, this dissertation employs a political economy framework as a means of analyzing urban governance and economic development in the contemporary US city. This case study of Orlando adds to our understanding of how entrepreneurial narratives are being applied to transportation infrastructure projects in pursuit of local economic development. The empirical case study explores the relationship between planning narratives, urban governance and economic development in the establishment of the SunRail commuter rail system in central Florida. I present the political history of economic development and the role of local boosters in shaping the sociospatial distribution of urban infrastructure and public investment in Central Florida. Utilizing a qualitative research methodology, the case study is based on a series of extended interviews with transportation planners, urban policymakers and community leaders in the Orlando area. The empirical data was complemented with official documents and archival records concerning the planning of transit-oriented developments along the SunRail system. This research presents the current efforts of Central Florida boosters to apply governance approaches to reshape the urban form and to direct the ensuing flows of capital investment through the restructuring of the region’s transportation infrastructure and employing planning narratives that draw heavily on creating amenity growth strategies. Local boosters expect that by providing dense development corridors through the region, including transit-oriented development centers, the city will have met the pre-conditions for attracting private capital investment. Specifically, local leaders are seeking to attract investment by the type of firms that will provide high-wage jobs to the region to balance the glut of low-wage service sectors jobs found in the region’s theme park industry. In the case of Central Florida, early private investment in SunRail adjacent property has come from local firms that tend to have a high level of local fixity and existing investments in the Orlando market.

Michelin est une firme multinationale présente sur tous les continents, elle détient près de 70 sites à travers le monde, qui emploient au total 108 000 salariés. En ce sens, l’entreprise a la capacité de valoriser divers territoires d’implantation dans le cadre de la mondialisation de ses activités, en s’émancipant des contraintes spatiales pour répondre à une consommation globale. Or, la multinationale du pneumatique a toujours maintenu son siège social dans la ville où l’entreprise industrielle est née à la fin du XIXème siècle, Clermont-Ferrand, signe qu’un degré élevé de mondialisation peut coexister avec un ancrage territorial centenaire. Il convient alors de s’interroger sur les ressorts, nécessairement évolutifs, de l’enracinement clermontois de Michelin. De la fin du XIXème siècle jusqu’à la Seconde guerre mondiale, l’entreprise a mis en place à Clermont-Ferrand un système paternaliste d’encadrement social de la force de travail qui accompagnait l’existence de l’ouvrier du « berceau à la tombe ». Cités-jardins, écoles, équipements médicaux, sportifs, œuvres sociales, etc. ont ainsi été conçues pour attirer, fidéliser et finalement assujettir une main-d’œuvre généralement issue du milieu rural auvergnat. S’ajoutant à l’emprise spatiale des sites industriels, tous localisés sur la commune de Clermont-Ferrand et composant un « espace Michelin » s’étalant entre les centres anciens de Clermont et de Montferrand, l’ensemble des équipements du système paternaliste dessine un « monde Michelin », défini comme une entité socio-spatiale autonome par rapport au reste de la société urbaine locale.Cette organisation sociale spécifique a une finalité essentiellement productive. Confrontée à l’absence de tradition industrielle qui caractérise la région clermontoise au début du XXème siècle, la firme façonne un milieu économique progressivement soumis à la croissance d’une mono-industrie, celle du caoutchouc, puis à une seule entreprise, Michelin. Cette dernière devient alors le principal moteur de l’économie locale, le puissant leader d’un bassin qui s’industrialise brutalement.Enfin, les relations de l’entreprise avec les pouvoirs publics locaux sont déterminantes pour comprendre comment un acteur privé a pu conformer une ville à ses logiques économiques. En effet, le déploiement d’une initiative sur l’espace ne se peut se réaliser sans lien avec le pouvoir institutionnalisé des élites politiques, celles-ci maîtrisant des ressources réglementaires indispensables à la mise en œuvre de l’aménagement urbain. Le concours de Michelin à la fabrique de la ville est ainsi indissociable des initiatives publiques, menées notamment par la municipalité de Clermont-Ferrand. Au final, on peut considérer qu’on assiste, dans la première moitié du XXème siècle, à la construction, par une entreprise, d’un territoire formé de quatre dimensions interdépendantes : une emprise spatiale, une organisation sociale, une fonction économique et une régulation politique. Une fois posées les modalités de la constitution de ce « territoire Michelin », l’objectif de ce travail est d’analyser comment cette construction territoriale évolue dans le temps, selon un cycle de « territorialisation / déterritorialisation / reterritorialisation » qui renouvelle les conditions de l’ancrage territorial d’une firme mondiale et renseigne sur la dialectique entre local et global, le territoire pouvant alors être considéré comme une clé de lecture du capitalisme et de ses conséquences sur l’évolution des sociétés urbaines. / Michelin is a multinational presents on all the continents, it holds 70 sites worldwide, which employ all in all 108 000 employees. This way, the company has the capacity to value diverse territories within the framework of the globalization of its activities, by becoming emancipated spatial constraints to answer a global consumption. Yet, the multinational of the tire always maintained its head office in the city where the industrial company was born at the end of the XIXth century, Clermont-Ferrand, sign when a high degree of globalization can coexist with a hundred-years-old territorial anchoring. It is then advisable to wonder about reasons, inevitably evolutionary, of the presence of Michelin in Clermont-Ferrand.From the end of the XIXth century to the Second World War, the company set up in Clermont-Ferrand a paternalistic system of social frame of the working strength which accompanied the existence of the worker of the "cradle in the grave". Garden cities, schools, medical, sports equipments, charitable works, etc. were so designed to attract, develop loyalty and finally subject a workforce generally stemming from the rural environment from Auvergne. Being added to the spatial influence of the industrial sites, all located on the municipality of Clermont-Ferrand and composing a "space Michelin" spreading out between the old centers of Clermont and Montferrand, all the equipments of the paternalistic system draws a "world Michelin", defined as an autonomous socio-spatial entity, compared with the rest of the local urban society.This specific social organization has an essentially productive purpose. Confronted with the absence of industrial tradition which characterizes the clermontoise region at the beginning of the XXth century, the firm shapes an economic environment gradually subjected to the growth of a mono-industry, that some rubber, then to the single company, Michelin. The latter becomes then the main engine of the local economy, the powerful leader of a pond which becomes industrialized brutally.Finally, the relations of the company with the local public authorities are determining to understand how a private actor was able to shape a city to his economic logics. Indeed, the deployment of an initiative on the space cannot come true without link with the power institutionalized by the political elites, these mastering statutory resources indispensable to the implementation of the urban planning. The participation of Michelin to the urbanization is so inseparable public initiatives, led in particular by the municipality of Clermont-Ferrand. In the end, we can consider that we attend, in the first half of the XXth century, in the construction, by a company, of a territory structured by four interdependent dimensions: a spatial influence, a social organization, an economic function and a political regulation. Once put the modalities of the constitution of this "territory Michelin", the objective of this work is to analyze how this territorial construction evolves during the history, according to a cycle of "territorialization / deterritorialization / reterritorialization" which renews the conditions of the territorial anchoring of a world firm and informs about the dialectic between local and global, the territory which can then be considered as a key of reading of the capitalism and its consequences on the evolution of the urban societies.

Proyecto FONDECYT de iniciación N°11150789 “Glocal urban governance between neoliberalism, risk and resilience: re-assembling urban strategies in three chilean cities” Memoria para optar al título de Geógrafo / Memoria para optar al título de Geógrafo / “Urbanya Ciudad Global” y “Praderas de Lo Aguirre” en Pudahuel serán las urbanizaciones privadas más grandes que se desarrollarán en Chile, y al mismo tiempo, son megaproyectos inmobiliarios cuyos procesos de aprobación han tomado largos 24 años, pasando por la participación de asociaciones públicas-privadas y por desarticulaciones en niveles de gobierno regional y local. En esta investigación, se realiza un análisis cualitativo de la evolución de las formas de gobernanza en Pudahuel asociado a estos megaproyectos inmobiliarios, a través del lente de la gobernanza urbana analítica (Pierre, 1999; DiGaetano & Strom, 2003; Martí-Costa & Tomás, 2016, Lukas, 2018) y las relaciones de poder (Lukes, 2007; Howarth, 2010), concebidas como micropolíticas y macrodiscursos. Se identifican en los resultados cuatro grandes fases de gobernanza entre 1994 y 2018, en las cuales es posible reconocer una transición desde un régimen urbano (Stone, 1989) y un régimen pluralista de carácter corporacionista a escala local, en los que existe una fuerte presencia de la Comisión Mixta como asociación pública-privada, hacia una forma de gobernanza de carácter regional, con mixturas entre formas gerencialistas y clientelistas, donde la burocracia estatal y las diferentes visiones de los servicios públicos implicados retrasan el proceso. Se concluye que existen tres lógicas transversales que articulan los 24 años de gobernanza en Pudahuel: i) una fragmentación en los espacios de toma de decisiones de carácter multiescalar, ii) diferentes estrategias escalares de los desarrolladores inmobiliarios para afrontar las fases de gobernanza y iii) una improvisación de carácter reactiva por parte del diseño institucional chileno en lo que respecta a planificación y gestión urbana en Pudahuel. / "Urbanya Ciudad Global" and "Praderas de Lo Aguirre" in Pudahuel will be the largest private urbanizations to be developed in Chile, and at the same time, are real estate megaprojects whose approval processes have taken 24 long years, with the participation of public-private partnerships and several disarticulations at regional and local government levels. In this research, a qualitative analysis of the evolution of the ways of governance in Pudahuel associated with these real estate megaprojects is made, through the lens of analytical urban governance (Pierre, 1999, DiGaetano & Strom, 2003, Martí-Costa & Tomás, 2016, Lukas, 2018) and power relations (Lukes, 2007; Howarth, 2010), conceived as micro-politics and macro-discourses. In the results, four governance stages are identified between 1994 and 2018, in which it is possible to recognize a transition from an urban regime (Stone, 1989) and a pluralist corporatist regime at local scale, with a strong presence of the Comisión Mixta as a public-private partnership until 2003, towards a form of regional governance since 2004, with mixtures between managerialist and clientelist forms, where the state bureaucracy and the different visions of the public services involved delay the process. It is concluded that there are three transversal logics that articulate the 24 years of governance in Pudahuel: i) a multi scalar fragmentation in decision-making spaces, ii) different scalar strategies from real estate developers to face the governance stages and iii) the presence of a reactive improvisation on Chilean institutional design in both urban planning and urban management in Pudahuel.