The Customer Success department at Visma handles about 200 000 customer chats each year, the chat dialogues are stored and contain both questions and answers. In order to get an idea of what customers ask about, the Customer Success department has to read a random sample of the chat dialogues manually. This thesis develops and investigates an analysis tool for the chat data, using the approach of clustering and summarization. The approach aims to decrease the time spent and increase the quality of the analysis. Models for clustering (K-means, DBSCAN and HDBSCAN) and extractive summarization (K-means, LSA and TextRank) are compared. Each algorithm is combined with three different text representations (TFIDF, S-BERT and FastText) to create models for evaluation. These models are evaluated against a test set, created for the purpose of this thesis. Silhouette Index and Adjusted Rand Index are used to evaluate the clustering models. ROUGE measure together with a qualitative evaluation are used to evaluate the extractive summarization models. In addition to this, the best clustering model is further evaluated to understand how different data sizes impact performance. TFIDF Unigram together with HDBSCAN or K-means obtained the best results for clustering, whereas FastText together with TextRank obtained the best results for extractive summarization. This thesis applies known models on a textual domain of customer chat dialogues, something that, to our knowledge, has previously not been done in literature.

The 2002 National Security Strategy of the US (NSS 2002) appeared to have presented a momentous approach to self-defense. To many, the doctrine of preemptive selfdefense seemed to challenge the legal and political foundations of the post-World War II international order. Some saw in the US stated reliance on preemption a direct threat to the international system embodied in the UN Charter. The prima facie case that the US position was novel and even dangerous appeared persuasive. This thesis attempts to assess the exceptionality of NSS 2002 in its formulation and implications. This question of exceptionality is broadly divided into two sections. The first section deals with internal exceptionality, in terms of means (the deliberation and drafting processes) and ends (the US defense posture). The second section deals with external exceptionality in the broader terms of possible consequences outside the US. Section One begins by establishing the grounds for looking into the formulation of NSS 2002, and provides the background for that Strategy's mandated precursors. After exploring how National Security Strategy documents are conceived and framed, Section One discusses the Strategy as it was published, and examines a sampling of contemporaneous reactions to its publication. Section Two concentrates on the second part of the research question, and utilizes a thematic approach ¿ in terms of the use of force, the international security environment, and international law. Possible consequences of the proposed US response to contemporary security challenges are considered in these three key areas.

La notion d'« armes de destruction massive » (ADM) est insaisissable : au lieu d'avoir pour but de mieux définir un type d'arme, elle agit à l'inverse, en créant une confusion entre l'arme et les conséquences de son emploi. Cette nature inconsistante se poursuit au niveau juridique. En effet, bien que l'expression fasse très tôt son entrée au sein des Nations unies, aucun traité ni organe officiel n'a, jusqu'alors, réussi à en donner une définition probante. À défaut de définition incontestable, et en l'absence d'un critère vérifiable d'identification de ce qu'est une « arme de destruction massive », cette notion s'est avérée préjudiciable. L'écart entre la réalité de la menace existante en matière d'« armes de destruction massive » et la façon dont elle fut perçue, puis gérée par la communauté internationale, c'est-à-dire à la fois par les États de façon individuelle et par les organisations internationales et les traités de façon collective, a conduit à de multiples dérives. Par conséquent, s'agissant là d'une notion plus politique que juridique, il apparaît nécessaire qu'elle soit précisée ou abandonnée / The term « weapons of mass destruction » (WMD) is ambiguous: instead of aiming to clearly define a certain type of weapon, it does the opposite by creating confusion between the weapon itself and the consequences of its use. This confusion is also reflected at in the legal definition. Indeed, even though the term has been used by the United Nations from an early stage, no treaty or official entity has succeeded in providing a clear definition to this day. The lack of a clear definition, and the absence of defined criteria to determine what constitutes a « weapon of mass destruction », has turned out to be damaging. The dichotomy between the existing threat from « weapons of mass destruction » and the way it is perceived and handled by the international community, including individual states, international organisations, as well as collective treaties, has resulted in several instances of inappropriate use. As a consequence, the term has become a political rather than legal notion. A clearer legal definition is needed, or otherwise the term should be abandoned

2002年元月，美國小布希總統宣稱北韓與伊拉克、伊朗，同屬「邪惡軸心」（Axis of Evil）國家，這些國家均係美國列入防止核武擴散之對象，於是北韓與美國關係旋墜落谷底，北韓之鬥爭策略是先昇溫，復加壓，然後迫使美國讓步；北韓復於2006年10月9日，正式對外宣布成功進行地下核武試驗，此舉無疑對東亞及國際安全均帶來衝擊。台灣基於同為亞太國家成員之一，應該理解北韓核武危機所牽動東北亞安全環境變化，以及美國、日本、中國及俄羅斯等國家多邊體系關係，倘北韓核武危機未能圓滿解決，擁核後之北韓除易成為東北亞潛伏威脅外，將引起日本加速武裝。北韓除製造核武問題外，北韓經濟困頓、民不聊生，朝鮮勞動黨為維繫獨裁政權統治，大肆販售飛彈等軍火牟取利益，甚至遭控訴涉及國際間多起販毒、製造假煙及偽造美鈔事件，而台灣位居東亞海空交通樞紐，台灣海峽為北韓船隻往來必經之路，因而有必要瞭解北韓政軍經現況，深入剖析北韓對於國際間衍生種種安全問題，訂定因應措施，以確保國家安全。 由於台灣外交情勢嚴峻，往往無法參與區域性國際組織，北韓乃伺機對台洽購精密儀器或刺探高科技產業技術，使得台灣容易成為北韓覬覦獲得國際管制性物品漏洞，本論文試圖探究並思索如何防止北韓向台灣採購可供軍事用途之精密儀器等用品，或可供生產提昇國防武器裝備之科技機器流向北韓，並配合國際反恐措施予以列管，這樣不僅符合國際利益，而且可以提昇台灣國際形象與國家地位；況且台灣亦有必要隨時瞭解國際上及美、歐等先進國家之最新出口管制措施，從而監督台灣廠商禁止將進口之高科技戰略性物品與生產之精密工具機，輾轉出口至管制地區（包括：伊朗、伊拉克、利比亞、北韓、中國、古巴、蘇丹等國），並配合國際防止擴散組織，共同防止大規模毀滅性武器擴散，形成全球安全之出口管制制度。 / In January 2002, President George W. Bush declared North Korea, Iraq, and Iran as an “axis of evil”. These countries are regarded as subject to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons by the U.S. As a result, the relationship between North Korea and the U.S. has deteriorated. North Korea has attempted to gradually increase pressure to force the U.S. to concede; on October 9, 2006, North Korea officially announced the success of its secret nuclear weapon test, which undoubtedly made a tremendous impact on security in East Asia and the world. As a member of the Asia Pacific Region, Taiwan should understand how security in Northeast Asia changes due to the fact that North Korea is now a country with nuclear weapons. Taiwan should also be aware of the multilateral relations between the U.S., Japan, China, and Russia. Without a satisfactory solution to the threat of North Korean nuclear weapons, Japan may accelerate its military build-up in response to this lurking danger in Northeast Asia. Besides the nuclear weapon issue, North Korea has a poor economy and starving people. The Korean Workers’ Party has been accused of being involved in arms sale (such as missiles), international drug smuggling, counterfeit tobacco products, and counterfeit U.S. banknotes in order to maintain its dictatorship. As Taiwan’s geographic position is vital in the air and sea transport in East Asia, it is imperative for Taiwan to understand North Korea’s politics, armed forces, and economy. Taiwan must analyze and understand international security issues related to North Korea and map out corresponding actions so as to ensure national security. Due to its difficult diplomatic situation, Taiwan is unable to join many regional organizations. Therefore, North Korea takes this opportunity to purchase precision devices or pry into high technology from Taiwan. This makes Taiwan prone to become a legal loophole of which North Korea can take advantage to obtain international control items. This study investigates the ways for Taiwan to prevent North Korea from purchasing precision devices for military use or high-tech machinery that can improve defense weapons. In addition, the study also discusses how Taiwan can have better export control against North Korea by conforming to international anti-terror measures. To follow international principles is not only in line with global interests, but can also improve Taiwan’s international image and status. Therefore, Taiwan must keep itself updated of the latest export control measures implemented by the U.S., Europe, and other advanced countries. By doing so, Taiwan government can also prevent corporations in Taiwan from re-exporting strategic high-tech commodities and related production machinery to controlled territories, such as Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea, China, Cuba, and Sudan. With cooperation with international non-proliferation organizations, proliferation of WMDs can be stopped and a comprehensive export control network can be formed to maintain global security.

本研究採文獻分析法和戰史研究法，並從戰略——目的、手段、方法——之研究途徑切入。 研究重點首先從以色列之海域環境和威脅來源著眼，探討以色列國家安全戰略與防衛戰略構想；由於以色列之兵役制度與軍隊訓練情形，實為支持其遂行防衛戰略，達成其國家安全之重要支柱，故亦予分析。 其次，針對以色列海軍參與之重要戰爭，包括獨立戰爭、六日戰爭（美海軍情報船自由號被以色列海空軍擊沈事件和以色列埃拉特號驅逐艦被埃及飛彈快艇擊沈事件）、十月戰爭（以敘「拉塔基亞海戰」與以埃於紅海戰線之對決）、以及其他零星之重要衝突加以析論。 第三，探討以色列海軍之兵力建設與準則發展狀況，析出以色列海軍建軍發展之三個階段，研究其硬體建設（水面作戰艦艇、潛艦、突擊隊）、海軍任務、海軍作戰準則、反恐作戰準則與行為規範之發展情形。 最後，分析以色列海軍面臨之挑戰、探討其國防資源之分配問題、海軍高科技武器發展以及其於未來之展望。 具體研究成果包含找出以色列海軍影響深遠之戰役——拉塔基亞海戰，瞭解以色列海軍建軍發展之歷程，並且發現以色列海軍邁向新時代之發展趨勢。 研究心得有三點：第一，以—阿海軍戰爭之啟示；第二、以色列海軍發展之啟示；第三，研究以色列海軍之啟示。 / The Study of the Israeli Navy was made use of literature analysis and war history research method. It was written within the approach of the strategy research which of the aims, the means, and the ways. The paper will (1) introduce the sea environment of Israel and sources of the threats, discuss Israel national security and its defense strategic conception, and Israeli conscriptions and its military training; (2) examine the significance and importance of the Israeli Navy war history; (3) give a description of structures of the Navy and its doctrines; and (4) propose the challenge of the Navy, analyze its problem of the defense budget distribution, open its hi-tech weapon systems, and observe its future development. The results of this paper include: (1) excavate the most valuable warfare among the Israeli Navy war history which is the Battle of Latakia; (2) understand the structures of the Navy; and (3) find out the trend of the Navy future development.