Neste corpascrever, meu argumento é o de que levar a sério o problema da naturalização da violência estrutural confere uma (re)nova(da) perspectiva sobre processos de politização de diferenças. Ao inquirir acerca das precondições para a geração de enquadramentos não hegemônicos em contextos marcados por violências estruturais, proponho a reconceitualização dos projetos de politização de diferenças enquanto defesa de processos de autodeterminação cole(a)tiva. Essa tese é defendida em três movimentos interdependentes: (3) por meio de reflexões filosófico-epistemológico-poéticas sobre a relevância da espacialização cole(a)tiva para a experiência da temporalidade; (2) por meio de considerações teóricopolíticas sobre a relação entre o problema do essencialismo e a possibilidade de agência cole(a)tiva subversiva; bem como (1) por meio do vislumbre da con-figur-ação do processo de (r)existência dos povos munduruku e ribeirinho à construção de barragens no Médio Tapajós. Conforme sugiro, a politização de diferenças, sob o proposto viés, apresenta-se como condição sine qua non para viabilizar a apreensão do modus operandi de violências estruturais, uma vez que apenas movimentos (pro)positivos cole(a)tivos permitem a emergência de imagens capazes de colocar a norma hegemônica fundamentalmente em xeque, de modo a transcender os limites inerentes a posturas exclusivamente reativas, co-movendo no sentido da reestruturação do mundo. / In this writingbody, I exam in depth the problem of naturalization of structural violence in order to argue for a (re)new(ed) perspective on the politicization of differences. I suggest a reconceptualization of the politicization of differences as a defense of colle(a)ctive selfdetermination processes through an investigation about the preconditions for the generation of non-hegemonic frames in contexts ruled by structural violence. This thesis is undertaken in three interdependent movements: (3) a philosophical-epistemological-poetical reflexion on the relevance of colle(a)ctive spatialization processes for the experience of temporality; (2) a political-theorical consideration on the relationship between the problem of essentialism and the possibility of subversive colle(a)ctive agency; and (1) a perspective on the con-figura( c)tion of the Munduruku and the riverside peoples (r)existence process to the construction of dams in Middle Tapajós region. I argue that the politicization of differences is conditio sine qua non in order to enable the denaturalization of structural violence, as only (pro)positional colle(a)ctive movements transcend the limits of merely reactive positions, enabling the emergency of images that can call the hegemonic rule into question and, therefore, initiate processes of structural trans-formation.

Neste corpascrever, meu argumento é o de que levar a sério o problema da naturalização da violência estrutural confere uma (re)nova(da) perspectiva sobre processos de politização de diferenças. Ao inquirir acerca das precondições para a geração de enquadramentos não hegemônicos em contextos marcados por violências estruturais, proponho a reconceitualização dos projetos de politização de diferenças enquanto defesa de processos de autodeterminação cole(a)tiva. Essa tese é defendida em três movimentos interdependentes: (3) por meio de reflexões filosófico-epistemológico-poéticas sobre a relevância da espacialização cole(a)tiva para a experiência da temporalidade; (2) por meio de considerações teóricopolíticas sobre a relação entre o problema do essencialismo e a possibilidade de agência cole(a)tiva subversiva; bem como (1) por meio do vislumbre da con-figur-ação do processo de (r)existência dos povos munduruku e ribeirinho à construção de barragens no Médio Tapajós. Conforme sugiro, a politização de diferenças, sob o proposto viés, apresenta-se como condição sine qua non para viabilizar a apreensão do modus operandi de violências estruturais, uma vez que apenas movimentos (pro)positivos cole(a)tivos permitem a emergência de imagens capazes de colocar a norma hegemônica fundamentalmente em xeque, de modo a transcender os limites inerentes a posturas exclusivamente reativas, co-movendo no sentido da reestruturação do mundo. / In this writingbody, I exam in depth the problem of naturalization of structural violence in order to argue for a (re)new(ed) perspective on the politicization of differences. I suggest a reconceptualization of the politicization of differences as a defense of colle(a)ctive selfdetermination processes through an investigation about the preconditions for the generation of non-hegemonic frames in contexts ruled by structural violence. This thesis is undertaken in three interdependent movements: (3) a philosophical-epistemological-poetical reflexion on the relevance of colle(a)ctive spatialization processes for the experience of temporality; (2) a political-theorical consideration on the relationship between the problem of essentialism and the possibility of subversive colle(a)ctive agency; and (1) a perspective on the con-figura( c)tion of the Munduruku and the riverside peoples (r)existence process to the construction of dams in Middle Tapajós region. I argue that the politicization of differences is conditio sine qua non in order to enable the denaturalization of structural violence, as only (pro)positional colle(a)ctive movements transcend the limits of merely reactive positions, enabling the emergency of images that can call the hegemonic rule into question and, therefore, initiate processes of structural trans-formation.

Engel definieren sich vor allem durch ihre Undefinierbarkeit, ihre Zwischenwesenhaftigkeit. Das Spannungsfeld unvereinbarer Bereiche ermöglicht den Engeln die Existenz. Um ihre Aufgaben – besonders die des Mittlers bzw. Boten – zu erfüllen, können sie fliegen. Jeder Engel, schreibt Rilke, sei schrecklich. Als besonders schrecklich mögen diejenigen Engel sein, die gefallen sind. Ausgewählte Fall-Studien zu ihnen stehen im Zentrum dieser Arbeit. Engel büßen bei ihrem Fall die Fähigkeit zu fliegen und ihre privilegierte Position ein. Auf sich gestellt, zeigen gefallene Engel zwei Reaktionsmuster: Macht und Melancholie. Mächtigen gefallenen Engel gelingt es – oder: sie beabsichtigen es –, die Beziehungsrelation zur göttlichen Autorität nach ihrem Fall aufrechtzuerhalten bzw. neu zu definieren: Durch Errichtung neuer Reiche, rebellischer und sinnlicher, führen sie die Versuchung fort. Aber sie sind keine Mittler mehr, weil sie keine Mitteilungen mehr empfangen, sondern Botschafter eigener Botschaften. Melancholische gefallene Engel lassen dagegen die nutzlos gewordenen Flügel hängen. Auch sie haben vor ihrem Fall in einem Beziehungsverhältnis existiert. Fällt das Gegenüber weg, sinkt ihre Erscheinung in sich zusammen, erlischt ihre Botenfunktion, senden und empfangen sie nicht bzw. nichts Neues mehr. Macht und Melancholie sind in aber auch Aktionsfelder. Der Künstler reflektiert in der objektiv – für sein künstlerisches Schaffen – wie subjektiv – für sein künstlerisches Selbstverständnis – genutzten Identifikationsfigur des gefallenen Engels beide Positionen. So greifen Macht und Melancholie, Rebellion und Resignation, Schöpfen und Scheitern ineinander. Gefallene Engel sind eigentlich ihres Botenstatus’ beraubt. Doch haben sie eine einzige letzte Botschaft – sie sind selbst die Botschaft vom Ursprung ihres Falls und haben darin ihr Ziel. / Angels are defined above all by their indefinability, their mutable essence. The conflict zone between irreconcilable areas makes the existence of angels possible. To fulfill their function – in particular that of medium or messenger – they can fly. Every angel, Rilke wrote, is terrifying. Most terrifying among the angels are, perhaps, those that have fallen. Selected case studies of those form the core of this dissertation. When angels are cast out of heaven, they forfeit their capacity for flight and their privileged position. Left to their own defenses, fallen angels display one of two reaction modes – might or melancholy. Mighty fallen angels are able – or they aim – to maintain their relationship with divine authority, or to redefine it, after the fall. By erecting new realms, more rebellious and sensual, they carry on with temptation. But they are no longer media, because they no longer receive communications. Rather they are the messengers of their own message. Melancholy fallen angels, on the other hand, let their now-useless wings droop. They too existed in a relationship before the fall. When their vis-à-vis disappears, their apparition caves in; their messenger function extinguished, they send and receive nothing or at least nothing new. Yet might and melancholy are not only reaction modes, but also fields of action. The artist, in using the identification figure of the fallen angel both objectively – for his or her artistic creation – and subjectively – for his or her sense of artistic self, reflects both positions. So might and melancholy, rebellion and resignation, creation and collapse mesh. Fallen angels are in fact robbed of their messenger status because, unable to fly, they are no longer a medium. But they do have just one last message – they are themselves the message of the origins of their fall, and that is their goal.

L’histoire du concept d’idéologie est riche des différentes définitions qui ont tenté de le circonscrire, en tension entre la description de visions du monde et la dénonciation de la « fausse conscience ». Chez les penseurs regroupés sous le nom d’ « École de Francfort », l’idéologie en vient à équivaloir au phénomène de l’industrie culturelle, c’est-à-dire la mise au service de la raison technique dans la production de la culture. Le statut du cinéma est intéressant à cet égard : non seulement est-ce un art né à l’époque industrielle et indissociable des possibilités techniques offertes par celle-ci, mais il a été mobilisé pour de nombreuses entreprises propagandistes, plus ou moins subtiles. La question directrice de l’interrogation est donc la suivante : selon la théorie critique de l’École de Francfort, le cinéma peut-il être considéré comme de l’art ou est-il confiné au domaine de l’idéologie ? Autrement dit, le cinéma peut-il revendiquer un statut qui ne ferait pas de lui qu’un support de la domination de l’humain par l’humain ? / The history of the concept of ideology is rich in different definitions that have attempted to circumscribe it, in a tension between the description of different worldviews and the denunciation of “false consciousness.” For the thinkers grouped under the name “Frankfurt School” ideology comes to equate the phenomenon of the Culture industry, that is to say, technical reason put at the service of the production of culture. The status of film in interesting in this regard: not only is it an art born in the industrial age and inseparable from the technical possibilities offered by the industry, but it has also been used for numerous, more or less subtle, propagandist undertakings. The leading question of our inquiry is thus the following: according to the critical theory of the Frankfurt School, can film be considered as a genuine form of art or is it confined to the realm of ideology? In other words, can film claim a status which would not make it solely a support of human-over-human domination?

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Niccoli Ramirez.pdf: 1359889 bytes, checksum: 5172a9ae3fd39b7a2207cfc4a7b0d75c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-11-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present dissertation targets the investigation and reconstruction of some of Sérgio Buarque de Holanda's and Walter Benjamin's main concerns, seeking the elective affinities, or convergences, which find their most striking correspondence in the cordiality topic. As the central hypothesis for studying the dialectics of cordiality, we find that the use of allegories, metaphors, and dialectical images, among other important matrixes which are present in several Walter Benjamin's writings, convenes for existing issues in Sérgio Buarque de Holanda's Raízes do Brasil and Visão do Paraíso, allowing it to detect major elective affinities between both authors. Those go from a narrative, fragmentary style to the criticism and overcoming necessity both of historical versions and domination forms and practices present in the Brazilian social and political trajectory. When taken in its dialectical sense, cordiality may be read as an existing powerful allegory in SBH's thinking, once it points out the understanding of the Brazilian societal configuration's political and cultural features / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo principal investigar e reconstruir algumas das principais reflexões de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda e Walter Benjamin, buscando afinidades eletivas (sinônimo de transversalidades ou convergências teóricas), que encontram sua correspondência maior no tema da cordialidade. Como hipótese central para o estudo da dialética da cordialidade, consideramos que o emprego de alegorias, metáforas e imagens dialéticas, dentre outras matrizes importantes presentes em vários escritos de Walter Benjamin convergem para questões presentes em Raízes do Brasil e Visão do Paraíso de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, permitindo detectar afinidades eletivas importantes entre esses os dois autores. Essas vão desde um estilo narrativo e fragmentário e alcançam a crítica e necessidade de superação das versões históricas difundidas pelas classes dominantes como meio de estabelecer a sua hegemonia sobre os oprimidos. Quando tomada em seu sentido dialético, a cordialidade pode ser lida como uma poderosa alegoria presente no pensamento de SBH, pois aponta para a compreensão das especificidades políticas e culturais da configuração societária brasileira

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:56:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paulo Niccoli Ramirez.pdf: 1359889 bytes, checksum: 5172a9ae3fd39b7a2207cfc4a7b0d75c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-11-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present dissertation targets the investigation and reconstruction of some of Sérgio Buarque de Holanda's and Walter Benjamin's main concerns, seeking the elective affinities, or convergences, which find their most striking correspondence in the cordiality topic. As the central hypothesis for studying the dialectics of cordiality, we find that the use of allegories, metaphors, and dialectical images, among other important matrixes which are present in several Walter Benjamin's writings, convenes for existing issues in Sérgio Buarque de Holanda's Raízes do Brasil and Visão do Paraíso, allowing it to detect major elective affinities between both authors. Those go from a narrative, fragmentary style to the criticism and overcoming necessity both of historical versions and domination forms and practices present in the Brazilian social and political trajectory. When taken in its dialectical sense, cordiality may be read as an existing powerful allegory in SBH's thinking, once it points out the understanding of the Brazilian societal configuration's political and cultural features / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo principal investigar e reconstruir algumas das principais reflexões de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda e Walter Benjamin, buscando afinidades eletivas (sinônimo de transversalidades ou convergências teóricas), que encontram sua correspondência maior no tema da cordialidade. Como hipótese central para o estudo da dialética da cordialidade, consideramos que o emprego de alegorias, metáforas e imagens dialéticas, dentre outras matrizes importantes presentes em vários escritos de Walter Benjamin convergem para questões presentes em Raízes do Brasil e Visão do Paraíso de Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, permitindo detectar afinidades eletivas importantes entre esses os dois autores. Essas vão desde um estilo narrativo e fragmentário e alcançam a crítica e necessidade de superação das versões históricas difundidas pelas classes dominantes como meio de estabelecer a sua hegemonia sobre os oprimidos. Quando tomada em seu sentido dialético, a cordialidade pode ser lida como uma poderosa alegoria presente no pensamento de SBH, pois aponta para a compreensão das especificidades políticas e culturais da configuração societária brasileira

English: In this thesis I examine the concept of satirical silence as the compositional principle of Karl Kraus’s drama Die letzten Tage der Menschheit to demonstrate the ways in which the features of modern satire introduce the recipient to the construction of its critique. In Kraus’s drama, silence manifests itself twofold: as a reaction to the First World War and as the only remaining form of satire in the context of public war-euphoria and the widespread use of the press and war-coverage as propaganda tools. From the interruption of Kraus’s periodical Die Fackel at the beginning of the war to the satirical treatment of the homefront in his drama, Kraus’s silence represents a performance of imposed powerlessness. By approaching Kraus’s drama with Walter Benjamin’s concept of storytelling, I analyze satirical silence as an appropriate aesthetic response to the prevailing social conditions and thus to the changing character of the public sphere in modern society. Benjamin’s concept of storytelling and his description of incommunicability as a characteristic of post-war society are at the center of my analysis of modern satire as a reception-based literary practice. Given that satire is a social conversation practice between satirist and recipient, I argue that Kraus’s use of drama as a medium for reprocessing the First World War is built upon the ability of the dramatic form to show how silence emerges as the result of a break between the conversation partners of satire. German: In dieser Arbeit beschreibe ich das Konzept des satirischen Schweigens als Gestaltungsform von Karl Kraus’ Drama Die letzten Tage der Menschheit, um hierin die Züge der modernen Satire in der Hinwendung zum Rezipienten zur Formulierung der satirischen Kritik zu erweisen. Das Schweigen manifestiert sich in Kraus’ Drama sowohl als Reaktion gegenüber dem Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkrieges, wie auch als die einzig verbleibende Gestaltungsform der Satire angesichts des Verlusts ihres Publikums an den Kriegsenthusiasmus und die propagandistisch gestimmte mediale Berichterstattung. Von der Unterbrechung der Publikation seiner Zeitschrift Die Fackel zu Beginn des Krieges hin zur Dokumentation der Heimatfront in seinem Drama bekundet das Schweigen des Satirikers eine Ausdruckskraft in der erzwungenen Ausdruckslosigkeit. Mit Walter Benjamins Konzept des Erzählens analysiere ich das satirische Schweigen als angemessene ästhetische Reaktion auf die gesellschaftlichen Gegebenheiten und somit veränderten Umstände der öffentlichen Rezeption in der modernen Gesellschaft. Benjamins Konzept des Erzählens sowie seine Beschreibung der Unmitteilbarkeit der Nachkriegsgesellschaft bilden die theoretische Fundierung meiner Analyse der modernen Satire als rezeptionsästhetische Kategorie. Ausgehend von dem Verständnis der Satire als ein soziales Gespräch zwischen Satiriker und Rezipient, sehe ich Kraus’ Zuwendung zum Drama als Medium der Aufarbeitung des Ersten Weltkrieges in dem dramatischen Vermögen begründet, das Schweigen als Bruch der Gesprächsteilnehmer, als Bruch der Beziehung von Satire und Öffentlichkeit zu dialogisieren. / Graduate / 2020-09-25

Persistent Pasts: Historical Palimpsests in Nineteenth-Century Prose traces Victorian historical discourse with specific attention to the works of Thomas Carlyle and George Eliot and their relation to historicism in earlier works by Sir Walter Scott and James Hogg. I argue that the Victorian response to the tense relation between the materialist Enlightenment and the idealist rhetoric of Romanticism marks a decidedly ethical turn in Victorian historical discourse. The writers introduce the dialectic of enlightened empiricism and romantic idealism to invoke the historical imagination as an ethical response to the call of the past. I read the dialectic and its invitation to ethics through the figure of the palimpsest. Drawing upon theoretical work on the palimpsest from Carlyle and de Quincey through Gérard Genette and Sarah Dillon, I analyze ways in which the materialist and idealist discourses interrupt each other and persist in one another. Central to my argument are concepts drawn from Walter Benjamin, Emmanuel Levinas, Richard Rorty, and Frank Ankersmit that challenge and / or affirm historical materiality.

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