Cette thèse a comme objectif de repenser le rapport entre Descartes et Nietzsche à travers une continuité qui se construit sur le fil conducteur thématique du statut cartésien de l’ego. L’interprétation heideggérienne du lien entre Descartes et Nietzsche est pour cette raison fondamentale : en effet, en relevant à l’intérieur ce rapport les signes du déploiement d’un Même qui a marqué l’époque de la métaphysique de la subjectivité, Heidegger définit un espace fondamental commun entre les deux philosophes. Cet espace, qui se développe à partir de l’émergence de l’ego, semble cependant déborder les limites constitutives de la métaphysique, lorsque Nietzsche retrouve dans le commencement cartésien une ouverture de l’ego au sein du vivant interprété comme volonté de puissance. Sa démarche, loin de seulement le néantiser, vise à tra-duire l’ego dans une dimension morphologique : l’ego serait donc l’effet d’une organisation d’une agrégation de forces, qui prennent forme par le biais d’un centre en devenir. Le chemin de la déconstruction nietzschéenne suit des étapes bien précises : en premier lieu, reconduire le statut de l’ego à une égologie de la substance ; en deuxième lieu, déplacer la certitude fondamentale du cogito vers un sentiment de l’ego (Ichgefühl) qui se fixe comme semblant-à-être ; en troisième lieu dévoiler l’ipséité en tant qu’abime, contre toute possibilité d’interpréter le corps comme sujet, ou mieux, comme fondement. C’est en ces termes que la constitution onto-théo-logique de la pensée cartésienne élaborée par Jean-Luc Marion, permet de suivre le chemin nietzschéen : rapporter à l’ego la manière d’être de toutes les substances est le point de départ d’une généalogie qui vise à dépasser l’ego, tout en montrant sa nécessité à être, qui seule permet au vivant de dire je, à savoir d’être. / The purpose of this doctoral dissertation is to nuance the understanding of the relationship between Descartes and Nietzsche through the cartesian statute of the ego. From this perspective, Heidegger’s interpretation of the link between Descartes and Nietzsche is fundamental. Furthermore, Heidegger defines a fundamental philosophical area explored by both Descartes and Nietzsche. This common area, based on ego’s emergence, tends to exceed the constitutive bounds of metaphysics wherein the Cartesian beginning opens the ego as a form of life within the will to power . His argumentative path leads to a morphological concept of ego— the ego is taken as an effect of the organization of a multiplicity of forces, which take form by becoming a center. The Nietzschean deconstruction is realized through these specific steps: 1) to bring the ego’s statute on an ecology of substance; 2) to dislocate the fundamental certainty of cogito toward an ego-sentiment (Ichgefühl), which situates itself as a seeming-being 3) to reveal the selfness as an abyss, against any interpretations that consider the body as a fundament. At this regard, the onto-théo-logic constitution of Cartesian thought, elaborated by Jean Luc Marion, allows one to follow the Nietzschean approach: by bringing back the ego to the way of being of every substances, it is possible to fix the genealogical starting point to exceed the ego and at the same time to show its necessity to become a being, which only allows life to say I, that is to say to be.

La problématique traitée dans ce travail consiste à s’interroger sur les aspects « politiques » de la pensée de Nietzsche, et surtout sur sa dimension européenne et ses enjeux. Il n’est pas question ici de cataloguer Nietzsche de philosophe politique, ni sa philosophie de philosophie politique, dans le sens académique du terme. Mais essayer de montrer, à travers sa philosophie du sens et de la valeur, de sa méthode généalogique, les démarches et propositions de ce philosophe au « marteau » pour tenter d’éradiquer le nihilisme dans le but d’œuvrer pour une « grande politique » et favoriser l’avènement d’un « nouveau européen » dans une « nouvelle Europe ». En effet, cette Europe dont parle Nietzsche n’a rien à voir avec ce qu’on conçoit généralement comme l’Occident, et cette Europe ainsi que les européens dont il parle n’ont pas vraiment d’existence réelle, repérable avec des frontières, si on se place sur le plan géographique et géopolitique. Dans ce travail je tiens à souligner la contrainte de la sécularisation, et d’autres aspects du dépassement du nationalisme, qui est aussi un dépassement du nihilisme. Nietzsche était, peut-être, l’un des plus acides contempteurs des illusions européennes en démontrant – espérant par la même occasion éradiquer - cette fiction d’une Europe « non-contradictoire », platement conciliatrice, mais à la fois individualiste et revendicatrice d’une égalité des droits. Comportements dénoncés par le philosophe car ce vent pollué par le nationalisme, la puissance industrielle mercantile au détriment de la création vitale ne peuvent mener qu’à une catastrophe en étouffant, en empêchant le jaillissement, l’apparition de l’individu créateur, artiste. Les valeurs se sont donc déjà instituées dans un sens négatif et malsain, et ce dénigrement de la vie n’est pas politiquement indifférent. Ce n’est pas là un vitalisme simpliste. L’homme moderne occidental est le résultat de cette histoire. L’histoire est le résultat de cette « hominisation » inversée qui se fait par le troupeau, et qui est aussi une forme de déshumanisation programmée. C’est Dionysos qui constitue le remède à cette maladie, ce Dieu grec est le héros qui vaincrait cette européocentrisme et le chauvinisme. Soulignons que ce projet qui consiste à critiquer l’égalitarisme comme « dressage », privilégie le retour au texte et non pas la « construction conceptuelle ». Entre autres travaux pour cela : ceux de Patrick Wotling, Paolo D’Iorio, Giuliano Campioni, Wolfgang Müller-Lauter, Peter Sloterdijk,…Pour éviter toute confusion, malgré la partie « caractéristiques de la philosophie du sens et de la valeur » qui distinguera la « grande politique », soulignons ces quelques points : d’abord la séparation d’avec le vouloir-vivre de Schopenhauer, ensuite l’évaluation d’une transcendance de l’instinct qui fait que Nietzsche quitte le plan de l’irrationalisme furibond, enfin la forme du refus du darwinisme. Ainsi on peut parler d’une volonté de puissance qui n’est plus ramenée à une catégorie volitionnelle, et dotée d’une motivation (par exemple l’oppression physique et militaire ou l’accumulation du capital).Sa reconquête des valeurs doit être replacée dans un contexte mieux compris, et d’abord repensant le nôtre. Il n’est que de songer aux Règles pour le parc humain de Sloterdijk, en réponse à Heidegger, mais qui n’est que le prolongement de l’opposition dressage / élevage (Zähmung / Züchtung) qu’avait thématisée Nietzsche en faveur de ce que seraient de « bons européens ». Ainsi on comprend que les enjeux « politiques » consistent en réalité aux choix de civilisation (Kultur) qui engagent une conception purement anthropologique de l’homme. Seule une métaphysique de la culture permettra alors de dépasser le nihilisme européen et ses nombreuses versions éco-théologiques. / The main theme of this work is that of the “political” aspects of Nietzsche’s philosophy, particularly in terms of its European dimension and the issues at stake. The aim here is not to label Nietzsche as a political philosopher or his philosophy as political philosophy in the academic sense of the term. Rather, the aim is to show, through his philosophy of meaning and value, and his genealogical method, the approaches adopted and proposals made by this philosopher and his “hammer”, as a means of eradicating nihilism in order to work towards “greater politics” and thus encourage the arrival of a “new European” in a “new Europe”. This Europe of which Nietzsche spoke had nothing in common with what is generally perceived as being the West. His Europe, and its Europeans, do not really exist, and, from a geographical and geopolitical point of view, have no easily identifiable borders. In this work, we underline the restrictions of secularisation, and other aspects that go beyond nationalism, which is in itself a concept that goes beyond that of nihilism. It may be said that Nietzsche had the most acerbic contempt for European illusions, showing – and hoping to thus eradicate – the fiction of a “non-contradictory” Europe, a Europe that is blandly conciliatory but also both individualistic and demanding of equal rights. Such behaviour was denounced by Nietzsche because this wind of change, polluted by nationalism and mercantile industrial power to the detriment of vital creation, can only end in catastrophe, suffocating and preventing the resurgence or appearance of the individual creator, the artist. Values have thus already been adopted in a negative, unhealthy sense and denigrating life in this way is not indifferent from a political point of view. It is not a question of simplistic vitalism. Modern Western man is the result of this history. And this history is the result of the inverted “hominisation” produced by the herd effect, and which is also a sort of programmed dehumanisation. The cure for this ill is Dionysus, the Greek god who was the hero that conquered European centricity and chauvinism. It should be stressed that this project, which consists in criticising egalitarianism as a form of “domestication”, favours a return to the text, and not “conceptual construction”. This theme has also been studied by other authors, such as Patrick Wotling, Paolo D’Iorio, Giuliano Campioni, Wolfgang Müller-Lauter and Peter Sloterdijk, to name but a few.To avoid any confusion, and despite the section on the “characteristics of the philosophy of meaning and values” which will identify the “greater politics”, we would like to stress the following points: first of all, the departure from Schopenhauer’s will to live, followed by an evaluation of the transcendence of instinct which shows that Nietzsche moved away from the level of furious irrationalism and, finally, the form taken by the refusal of Darwinism. It is thus possible to speak of a desire for power which is no longer reduced to being a volitional category, but which has become motivated (for example, physical and military oppression, or the accumulation of capital).Nietzsche’s reconquest of values needs to be approached within a context that is better understood, starting with a re-evaluation of our own. This recalls Sloterdijk’s Rules for the Human Zoo, written in response to Heidegger, but which is merely an extension of the domestication/breeding opposition (Zähmung/Züchtung) that Nietzsche conceptualised in favour of what would make “good Europeans”.It is thus that we can understand that the “political” stakes are, in reality, civilisation choices (Kultur), which require a purely anthropological conception of man. Only the metaphysics of culture can thus make it possible to go beyond European nihilism and its many eco-theo-logical versions.

Este trabalho se propõe a investigar os principais aspectos do niilismo no interior da obra de Friedrich Nietzsche; em que medida tal questão ocuparia um lugar fundamental na obra do filósofo, e de modo esta se coloca como uma possibilidade de solução superação - frente aos impasses que este problema significou. / This work intends to investigate the principle aspects of nihilism inside Friedrich Nietzsches work; how this matter has a fundamental task inside the philosophers work, and how it put itself as a solution overcome to the difficulties that nihilism have brought.

Die Krise der Philosophie, die Nietzsche diagnostiziert hat, ist eine Krise der Abstraktheit der Philosophie, einer Philosophie, die nicht mehr als existenziale Luft des Lebens und als existenziale Atmung des Menschen funktioniert. Für Nietzsche ist die Konkretheit als Begriff im Verhältnis mit der wirklichen Lebenswelt des Menschen nicht bloß die Diagnose der Krise des Lebens, sondern eine Philosophie der Heilung, die der Handlung eines Arztes entspricht. In Nietzsches Philosophie als Gesundheitsphilosophie wird die Krankheit als eine Chance bestimmt, wieder gesund werden zu können. Das heißt, die Krankheit ist ein wichtiger Grund für die Hoffnung auf Gesundheit und die Gesundheit ist eine wichtige Antwort auf den Sinn der Krankheit. / The Crisis of Philosophy that Nietzsche has diagnosed, is a Crisis of the Abstractness of Philosophy, a Philosophy that no longer functions as the existential air of Life and existential Breath of Humans. For Nietzsche the Concreteness as understood as a Conceptual unit is in Proportion with the real Life and World of Humans not only the diagnosis of the Crisis of Life, but a Philosophy of Healing, which corresponds to the Cure of a Doctor. In Nietzsche''s Philosophy as a Philosophy of Health the disease is determined as a chance to be Healthy once more. Disease is an important reason for the Hope of Health and Health is an important Response to the sense of the disease.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-05-20T14:50:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014 - Luis Henrique Braga Madalena.pdf: 1655399 bytes, checksum: 6298e078d342c95307ffa50ee9eb2390 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-20T14:50:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014 - Luis Henrique Braga Madalena.pdf: 1655399 bytes, checksum: 6298e078d342c95307ffa50ee9eb2390 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-25 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O estudo que aqui se resume possui como escopo o desvelamento do fenômeno que representa a ideia de discricionariedade administrativa no Brasil, que acaba por gerar uma armadilha teórica que leva a conclusão de que, em grande medida, os atos administrativos, por serem tidos como atos de caráter político, não seriam controláveis materialmente pelo direito, à exceção das aberrações. Muito disso ainda advém de um rasteiro discurso de separação dos poderes, que não poderia ser violado por uma atuação de controle por parte de qualquer um dos poderes que não seja o de onde emanou o ato contestado. Isso dá espaço para que a atividade administrativa, ao invés de ter garantida sua legitimidade democrática e republicana pelo direito, passa a ter sua ilegitimidade acobertada por um direito de viés conservador, que cada vez mais promove a manutenção de históricas dominações sociais, típicas do Brasil e da América Latina. Isso em grande medida é proporcionado por uma Teoria do Direito que mantém-se aprisionada em um paradigma filosófico ultrapassado e incompatível com o Estado Democrático de Direito pretendido pela Constituição de 1988: o da filosofia da consciência. Muitos discursos jus administrativos contemporâneos, como o que privilegia o paradigma gerencial da administração pública, que também dá azo a abundância de princípios, os quais acabam por servir de álibi para as decisões administrativas tomadas, na exata medida que são considerados em sua faceta teleológica, como verdadeiros mandados de otimização e não em seu viés deontológico. A partir daí a administração (presente em todos os poderes) possuiu uma permissão jurídico-normativa para agir da forma que melhor entender, com o que o direito passa a chancelar a pluralidade de respostas, as quais são consideradas como pertencentes a uma esfera política. A atividade administrativa do Estado, especialmente no Brasil, onde podem ser verificadas as influências da cordialidade, do patriarcalismo e de um patrimonialismo estamental, conforme tratado por Buarque de Holanda, Gilberto Freyre e Raymundo Faoro, é passível de equiparação à vontade de poder, abordada por Nietzsche, com base em seu conceito de niilismo. Para que se possa alcançar o almejado Estado Democrático de Direito, que necessariamente passa por uma firme atuação estatal, imperioso que se recupere a noção de ciência da atividade administrativa, direta e completamente vinculada ao Direito. Este Direito deve possuir um cunho transformador, de projeção, para o que tem-se como resposta a Crítica Hermenêutica do Direito, inaugura por Lenio Streck, fundada na hermenêutica filosófica/filosofia hermenêutica, de Hans Georg Gadamer/Martin Heidegger e na integridade e coerência no Direito, de Ronald Dworkin, que afirma o direito fundamental à respostas corretas. O que em grande medida se faz é demonstrar que tal exigência é perfeitamente cabível na esfera da atividade administrativa e que a discricionariedade (administrativa) em nada difere da discricionariedade judicial, especialmente em sua função de álibi para o relativismo e para a chancela e manutenção de odiosas dominações. / The study that is here summarized has scoped the uncovering of the phenomenon that represents the notion of administrative discretion in Brazil, which generates a theoretical trap which leads to the conclusion that, to a large extent, administrative acts, once they have a political nature, would not be materially controllable by law, except for aberration. A lot of that still comes from a low speech of separation of powers, which could’t be violated by an act of control on the part of any of the powers, other than where issued the contested act. This gives space for administrative activity, rather than having guaranteed its democratic legitimacy and the Republican right, begins to have his illegitimacy covered up by a straight law, that increasingly promotes the maintenance of social dominations, typical of Brazil and Latin America. This, in a large extent, is provided by a Theory of Law that remains trapped in a philosophical paradigm, outdated and incompatible with the democratic State of Law required by the Constitution of 1988: the philosophy of consciousness. Many contemporary jus administrative speeches, as the one that favors the managerial paradigm of public administration, at the end favors the abundance of principles, which will serve as an alibi for the taken administrative decisions, at the exact extent which are considered in their teleological facet, like true optimization requirements and not on your deontological bias. From there the administration (present in all powers) possessed a normative legal permission to act in the manner that best understand, with what the law becomes to chancellor, the plurality of responses, which are considered as belonging to a political sphere. The administrative activity of the State, especially in Brazil, where it’s possible to be verified the influences of cordiality, patriarchy and patrimonialism estamental, as spoken by Buarque de Holanda, Gilberto Freyre and Raymundo Faoro, is amenable to assimilation to will to power, approached by Nietzsche, based on his concept of nihilism. In order to achieve the coveted democratic State of Law, which necessarily goes through a steady state performance, imperative that recovers the notion of administrative activity, directly and completely bound to the Law. This Law must have a transformer bias, of projection, for what you have as a response to Critical Hermeneutics, Law inaugurates by Padman Streck, founded on philosophical hermeneutics/philosophy hermeneutics by Hans Georg Gadamer/Martin Heidegger and the integrity and consistency of law, by Ronald Dworkin, who claims the fundamental right to correct answers. What largely if does is demonstrate that this requirement is perfectly appropriate in the sphere of administrative activity and it’s discretion in nothing differs from the judicial discretion, especially in its role as an alibi for the relativism and for the seal and maintenance of odious dominations.

Submitted by Fabricia Fialho Reginato (fabriciar) on 2015-08-28T22:58:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 CarolZANDAVALLI.pdf: 653303 bytes, checksum: 01703b6710ca7fa9d53fee01bbaaa8e3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-08-28T22:58:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CarolZANDAVALLI.pdf: 653303 bytes, checksum: 01703b6710ca7fa9d53fee01bbaaa8e3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Nenhuma / Nosso texto visa aprofundar a abordagem de Heidegger sobre o conceito de vontade de poder em Nietzsche e suas consequências. Para tanto, trataremos primeiramente de compreender alguns aspectos centrais do pensamento do próprio Heidegger. Esse preâmbulo inicial nos ajudará para uma melhor compreensão do contexto de onde parte a sua crítica. Em seguida, defrontarnos-emos com a interpretação heideggeriana da vontade de poder em modo mais estrito. Teremos, por fim, melhores condições de pensar a pertinência do que é apresentado por Heidegger, isto é, de sua visão sobre uma metafísica nietzschiana com bases nos conceitos de vontade de poder e eterno retorno do mesmo. / Our text aims to deepen Heidegger’s approach on the concept of will to power in Nietzsche and its consequences. To do so, we will try first to understand some central aspects of Heidegger's own thinking. This initial preamble will help us to have a better understanding of the context where his criticism comes from. Then we will face with the heideggerian interpretation of the will to power in a stricter mode. Finally, we will be more able to think about the relevance of what is presented by Heidegger, that is, of his vision on a Nietzschean metaphysics based on the concepts of will to power and eternal return of the same.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-10-10T16:46:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 NORIVAL BOTTOS JÚNIOR.pdf: 878309 bytes, checksum: 189059bee321c390492588b58bf0ca4f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-10T16:46:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NORIVAL BOTTOS JÚNIOR.pdf: 878309 bytes, checksum: 189059bee321c390492588b58bf0ca4f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-08 / This work has as main objective to discuss the importance of Thomas Mann`s intelectual reflexion about the concepts of art and how the this artist as a figure of deviation of the social and cultural context that he does not attempt to perform. For instance, we Will study how Thomas Mann appropriate to the nietzschian`s philosophy as a model os misreading tradition,to emphasize the main concepts of “drunkeness”, “sickness” and “Will to power”. We Will search yeat, how Thomas Mann promove his asthetic misreading and position himself in a originaly way in front of all tradition, promoting, as we believe, a existencial reflexion that concerns the problems of original creation and the influence of the intertextual object of art. / Este trabalho tem como objetivo principal discutir a importância da reflexão intelectual de Thomas Mann sobre os conceitos de arte moderna e de como esse artista, como desviante da tradição cultural e social do ocidente busca se posicionar esteticamente dentro de um contexto de mundo que não lhe é inerente. Para tanto, estudaremos como Thomas Mann se apropria da filosofia de Nietzsche como modelo de desleitura da tradição, destacando-se os conceitos de “embriaguez”, “doença” e “vontade de potência”. Buscaremos evidenciar também como Thomas Mann promove sua desleitura da estética tradicional e se posiciona de modo original perante a tradição, promovendo uma reflexão existencial em torno dos problemas de criação e da angústia da influência literária.

身為存在主義及後現代主義先驅之一的尼采，之所以對西方文明造成嚴重的衝擊，就在於他毫不留情的抨擊西方傳統的兩大支柱—蘇格拉底精神所代表的理性文明與基督教道德信仰的彼岸世界！ 尼采認為人是「尚未定型的動物」，強調人的未完成性與可塑性，主張人並沒有一成不變的本質，每個人的本質端賴自己去創造。尼采不同於傳統哲學長期以來所重視的「理性人」，卻強調人的本能、情感對人的重要性，高唱戴奧尼索斯（Dionysus）頌歌。而在他心目中理想的人類圖像就是「超人」，其最重要的特色就在於「自我超越」，並將尼采的「強力意志」學說發揮地淋漓盡致。 尼采批評傳統二元論世界觀，認為只有我們生存的這個現實世界！這也正是尼采宣稱「上帝死了」所代表的劃時代意義。尼采的世界圖像是：一方面，只有我們所居住的這個世界；另一方面，受到赫拉克利特斯流變哲學的影響，尼采認為這個世界永遠地變化著，是個生成流變的世界、強力意志的世界：萬事萬物變化不居，這是世界原來的面貌，是與道德無關的，肯定「生成流變無罪」，同時因為萬物皆流，並不存在任何「確定性」，所有的價值、真理，因而也都不具有絕對支配性。同時，這也是個永恆回歸的世界。 尼采要人重估一切價值，而強力意志，或者更確切地說「生命」，正是作為衡量一切價值的新準繩，同時也是人們賴以重估價值的依據！所有價值、真理、知識，都要以「充實生命」為鵠的，都要展現每個人的強力意志。尼采認為佛教的出世觀、羅馬的極端世俗化，或是基督教的倫理生活、工業革命之後的科學生活，都無法克服人生的悲劇性，唯有透過藝術才是生命自救的途徑。他要人以「審美的人生」取代基督教的「倫理的人生」，因為基督教道德於生命為敵，使人的生命力衰退，於是他要我們向古希臘人看齊。 本文以「成為你自己」作為尼采教育目的，其核心概念就在於實現每個人的真摯性（authenticity）—評估自己的處境，並將一切價值化為己有！真摯性與以往哲學所強調的「自主性」（autonomy）最大的不同在於，自主性與理性有著密不可分的關係，真摯性卻是要實現完整的人，亦即全人！ 在知識教育方面，尼采的「觀點主義」強調一切都是詮釋，所謂的事實、真理並不存在，一切都是主觀的建構。沒有所謂的純粹認識，所有的真理其實都蘊含著價值判斷。知識、真理、邏輯等概念，其實都是人類為了生存所必須的「有用的偽造」，是人類「無可非難的錯誤」。因此，知識教學要重視學生的主觀建構，要讓學生將知識賦予自己的意義，將知識「化為己有」。同時，知識的最終目的在於「充實生命」，知識應當為人生而服務，而不是使人成了「學奴」。 尼采一直強調人要不斷地自我超越，教育當然也要致力於此，舞蹈則象徵了此一教育目的。尼采以「舞者的美德」同嚴肅的精神相對立，認為舞者能輕盈地漫步於傳統之上，以自由自在的舞步踏碎舊有成規，並從傳統束縛中解放出來，從事創造！在舞蹈中，人不但展現了人性，呈現人類存在的意義；同時也整合了自己的身心、思想與行動，並透過自己的詮釋創造出自己的意義，象徵了全人教育。教育就應當使人獲得這種「舞於當下」的實踐智慧！ 尼采生命哲學所描繪出的生命教育之目的，就是要使人獲得人生智慧。人誠然是個悲劇性的存有，尼采卻勉人：面對人生的悲劇性、熱愛生命、肯定生命，連同生命中的一切不幸與痛苦；人生的本質雖然是虛無的與痛苦的，可以藉由藝術的美化作用而獲得人生意義；甚至要學會「笑一切悲劇」。同時，既然生命是與道德無關的，那麼何妨做個非道德者，擺脫對於生命的道德詮釋，自由自在地悠遊於天地之間，好好地享受生命！ 尼采生命哲學對當前教育的啟示有四點：（一）生命教育的重視；（二）教育鬆綁；（三）人文與科技的整合；（四）情意智慧的培養。

Este trabalho analisa a produção de Álvaro de Campos – heterônimo de Fernando Pessoa – em relação a duas linhas de força: a poesia de Walt Whitman e a filosofia de Friedrich Nietzsche. Busca comprovar que os poemas da segunda fase, a eufórica, em virtude do prolífico diálogo com o bardo norte-americano e o filósofo, estão investidos de uma vontade de potência, a qual se manifesta, especialmente, no ímpeto sensacionista de experimentar tudo e na analogia entre o poeta e Deus. Herdeiro do Decadentismo, Campos não consegue manter o discurso vitalista e dinamista e, frequentemente, um tom depressivo invade os textos. Nessas ocasiões, o eu lírico, em vez de estar marcado pela vontade de potência, assume uma feição decadente, que predominará na fase posterior. Pretendemos demonstrar que, apesar do cansaço, do tédio, da letargia e da lucidez, há, no Campos disfórico, uma vontade de potência. A fim de examinarmos os poemas do poeta eufórico, nos apoiaremos no conceito de intertextualidade, recorrendo aos estudos de Kristeva, Bakhtin, Laurent Jenny, Gerárd Genette, Leyla Perrone-Moisés e Tiphaine Samoyault. Com vistas à percepção do modo como o heterônimo ressignifica o legado de Whitman e Nietzsche, seguiremos, na análise, a metodologia comparatista de busca das analogias e das diferenças. Serão de grande valia as formulações de George Steiner, Eduardo Lourenço e Octavio Paz, entre outros. Na mesma proporção, serão importantes, para a compreensão do Campos disfórico, as colocações de Nietzsche acerca do niilismo e os argumentos de Steiner a respeito da tristeza inerente ao pensamento. Urdida com os influxos de Nietzsche e Whitman, a vontade de potência leva Campos, tal como os antecessores, a considerar-se divino. Entretanto, por ser demasiado consciente, Campos não pode persistir na embriaguez do Sensacionismo. Resta-lhe, então, manifestar a vontade de potência através da ideia de permanência da obra. / This paper analyzes the production of Álvaro de Campos - heteronym of Fernando Pessoa - in relation to two strong lines: the poetry of Walt Whitman and the philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche. It seeks to prove that the poems of the second phase, the euphoric, are invested with a power to will which is manifested especially in the sensationist impetus to try everything and in the analogy between the American bard and the philosopher. Heir to the Decadentism, Campos cannot keep the vitalist and dynamistic discourse and often a depressing tone pervades his texts. On these occasions, the lyrical, rather than being marked by the will to power, assumes a decadent feature, which will predominate in the later stage. We intend to show that, despite the fatigue, boredom, lethargy and lucidity, there is in the dysphoric Campos a power to will. In order to examine the poems of the euphoric poet we will seek support in the concept of intertextuality, using the studies of Kristeva, Bakhtin, Laurent Jenny, Gérard Genette, Leyla Perrone-Moisés and Tiphaine Samoyault. With the objective of perceiving how the heteronym gives new meaning to legacy of Whitman and Nietzsche, we will follow in the analysis, the comparative methodology of search of analogies and differences. Of great value will be the approaches of George Steiner, Eduardo Lourenço and Octavio Paz, among others. In the same proportion, will be important for the understanding of the dysphoric Campos, the collocations of Nietzsche on nihilism and Steiner's arguments about the inherent sadness in thought. Warped with inflows of Nietzsche and Whitman, the will to power leads Campos, like his predecessors, to consider himself divine. However, because he is too conscious Campos cannot persist in the intoxication of Sensationism. Then, he left with expressing the will to power through the idea of the permanence of the work. / Este trabajo analiza la producción de Álvaro de Campos – heterónimo de Fernando Pessoa – en relación a dos líneas de fuerza: la poesía de Walt Whitman y la filosofía de Friedrich Nietzsche. Busca comprobar que los poemas de la segunda fase, la eufórica, a causa del prolífico diálogo con el bardo norte-americano y el filósofo, están investidos de una voluntad de potencia, la cual se manifiesta, especialmente, en el ímpetu sensacionista de probarlo todo y en la analogía entre el poeta y Dios. Heredero del Decadentismo, Campos no consigue mantener el discurso vitalista y dinamista y, frecuentemente, un tono depresivo invade los textos. En esas ocasiones, el yo lírico, en lugar de presentar voluntad de potencia, manifiesta rasgos decadentes, que dominarán en la fase siguiente. Pretendemos mostrar que, no obstante el cansancio, el hastío, el abatimiento y la lucidez, hay, en el Campos depresivo, una voluntad de potencia. A fin de examinar los poemas del poeta eufórico, nos basaremos en el concepto de intertextualidad, recurriendo a los estudios de Kristeva, Bakhtin, Laurent Jenny, Gerárd Genette, Leyla Perrone-Moisés y Tiphaine Samoyault. Con el objetivo de percibir el modo como el poeta resignifica la herencia de Whitman y Nietzsche, adoptaremos, en el análisis, la metodología comparatista de la búsqueda de las analogías y de las diferencias. Serán muy valiosos los aportes de George Steiner, Eduardo Lourenço y Octavio Paz, entre otros. Del mismo modo, serán importantes, en el abordaje del Campos depresivo, las aserciones de Nietzsche con respecto al nihilismo y los argumentos de Steiner en relación a la tristeza inherente al pensamiento. Entretejida con los influjos de Whitman y Nietzsche, la voluntad de potencia conduce Campos, a ejemplo de los antecesores, a considerarse divino. Sin embargo, demasiado consciente, Campos no puede seguir en la ebriedad del Sensacionismo. Quédale, pues, manifestar la voluntad de potencia a través de la idea de permanencia de la obra.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:07:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 EduardoJPSL.pdf: 687770 bytes, checksum: ea9efa61b72d97e3eb90288327c79c87 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-12-19 / The present dissertation analyses the philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) and the short story written by Jo?o Guimar?es Rosa (1908-1967), A hora e vez de Augusto Matraga (1946) seeking to point out the possibility of the philosophic application of some Nietzschean ideas to enlarge the aesthetic value of the short story. It has been especially aimed at applying the concept of the noble superior being described by Nietzsche, the ubermensch, to the hero s ontological nature, Augusto Matraga. Nietzsche s postulates of the will to power, the elements suggested of the trial between Dionysus and Apollo and the ascetic ideal, will be especially relevant to this work, which intends to establish until what point the hero can be conceived as a good ascetic person, in so far as his noble ontological nature trespass the Christian morality, bringing him closer to the man who, according to Nietzsche, is beyond good and evil. Some Heideggerian concepts will also be relevant in order to reinforce the idea that the judgment created about Matraga is just an appearance that does not contemplate his essential Being, contributing to veil his real tragic-ontological valour, what implies that the aesthetic power of the short has been under valued / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo comparar a filosofia de Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) e o conto de Jo?o Guimar?es Rosa (1908-1967), A hora e vez de Augusto Matraga (1946), no intuito de revelar a possibilidade da aplica??o da filosofia nieztscheana para expandir o valor est?tico do conto e possibilitar a compreens?o do protagonista, Augusto Matraga, como o prot?tipo do ser superior nobre descrito por Nietzsche, o ubermensch. Considerando os conceitos do fil?sofo sobre a vontade de pot?ncia, os elementos dionis?aco e apol?neo, bem como o ideal asc?tico, pretende-se estabelecer at? que ponto o protagonista pode ser concebido como um bom asceta, na medida em que, devido a sua natureza ontol?gica nobre, transgride a moral crist? e se aproxima do conceito do homem que est? al?m do bem e do mal. Al?m da filosofia de Nietzsche, usar-se-? alguns postulados filos?ficos de Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) para refor?ar a id?ia de que o ju?zo criado sobre Matraga ? apenas uma apar?ncia que n?o contempla a ess?ncia do seu Ser, contribuindo para camuflar seu car?ter tr?gico-ontol?gico, o que implica na diminui??o da for?a est?tica do conto