This research sought to explain the emergence of the Wyoming Core Area Strategy (WCAS), a state-based Greater Sage Grouse conservation plan. It presents a theoretical framework that is based on and adds nuance to the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The hypothesis this study explored was: if a subsystem's jurisdiction is threatened by a hierarchically superior subsystem's policy outputs and this jurisdiction is necessary to meet the threatened subsystem's goals, then policy change may occur as a result of a strategy by the agents in the threatened subsystem. The data used to examine the hypothesis included expert interviews, historical documents, and interviews from media sources (secondary source interviews). The hypothesis was supported; the WCAS emerged because the Endangered Species Act listing outputs within the Species Conservation Policy Subsystem threatened the Wyoming Land Use Policy (WLUP) Subsystem's jurisdiction, which was necessary to meet the WLUP Subsystem's economic and lifestyle goals; the Governor of Wyoming drove the development and enactment of the WCAS as a strategy to retain jurisdiction. The research demonstrated that in order to fully account for the WCAS's emergence, a less mechanistic view of the framework, one that accounts for the ability of agents in a subsystem to act strategically, was needed. The research also demonstrated that the Greater Sage Grouse conservation benefited from the ESA listing process despite its warranted but precluded listing status. The time frame the research explored was 2002 through March 2012. / Master of Arts

The Christian Right has been a major contributor to the policy process since the 1980s, helping shape the national agenda by illuminating a number of social issues and influencing elections with strong grassroots campaigns. For political scientists, Christian Right organizations provide a rich source of information for studying interest group activity, electioneering, and general political theory. In particular, their efforts to lobby various policy issues such as prayer in school, education, abortion, and traditional marriage, has caused them to become a distinct coalition of advocacy groups, and the focus of much research by many scholars. However, as we advance into the twenty-first century, new biotechnology-related issues have emerged that challenge Christian Right organizations and their values. The purpose of this dissertation was to investigate the involvement of the Christian Right between 2001 and the beginning of 2009 in legislative debates regarding stem cell research policy, and attempt to distinguish its effective and non-effective lobbying strategies, and the general perception of its influence. This study addressed three research questions. First, to what extent do Christian Right organizations participate in the legislative process regarding stem cell research? Second, what is the perceived influence of its lobbying activities on federal stem cell research legislation? Third, in what ways does the Christian Right engage in lobbying legislators on stem cell research legislation? Within these broad research questions, the following subsequent study objectives were pursued: 1) learn about the reasons for the Christian Right’s influence or lack of influence; 2) understand the goals of its advocacy efforts; 3) learn about its use of outside and inside lobbying strategies; 4) better understand the approach used by Christian Right organizations in lobbying legislators who were undecided about a particular stem cell research legislation; 5) learn about the kind of rhetoric it used; and 6) find out what, if any, forms of coalition building it engaged in as part of its advocacy efforts. In addition, this study examined why legislators voted against the majority of their political party when it came to stem cell research legislation. The epistemological approach for this study was qualitative. Data consisted of verbal responses to semi-structured questions during telephone interviews with representatives from Christian Right organizations, advocacy groups that support the expansion of stem cell research policy, former legislators, and current staff members. In addition to the in-depth interviews, data was also obtained through organizational and government documents. Finally, this dissertation analyzed the Christian Right and its participation in the development of stem cell research legislation through the lens of the advocacy coalition framework. In doing so, the study captures of the essence of the stem cell debate and the role of the Christian Right within it, and offers a new theoretical framework for examining the Christian Right.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Otavio dos Santos Pereira.pdf: 961275 bytes, checksum: 142b625726925eca0fc0b979f53de0a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-10 / This dissertation proposes an analysis of the Health Policy for Indigenous People of Brazil, in the period between 1986 and 2013, with basis in the theories of policy studies developed by the Political Science, in special the ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) developed by Jenkins-Smith and Sabatier. We observe that this policy born due to an amplest context of transformations of citizenship nature, that compels to a new way to formulate policies that handle with diversity, that start to conciliate the principle of equality with the respect to difference. And we demonstrate how the Brazilian State search in this policy the conciliation between the health right and the cultural rights, with mean, between the principles of universalism and particularism, dealing with the unavoidable set of dilemmas that this matter causes. However, we highlight that in this health policy occur an uncommon frequency of discontinuities. We identify that between the consolidation of the ideational basis of this policy in 1986 and the present period of 2013; occur an sequence of institutional reconfigurations and restructuration of the attention model. The four main changes are: in 1991, when the responsibility of the indigenous health was transferred to FUNASA( National Foundation of Health); in1994, when occur the partial return of the indigenous health to FUNAI( National Foundation of Indian); in 1999, with the Arouca s Law that give back the integrity of the indigenous health responsibility to FUNASA; in 2008, when was create the Especial Secretary of Indigenous Health. This research propose to answer what was the factors that causes the general picture of the institutional instability and the identified changes; and adopt as main hypothesis that the sources of the changes and consequentially of the instability, was the competition between the coalitions that structure themselves around of a divergent set of ideas, that constitute the normative basis of the health policy for indigenous peoples. That way shows with are the coalitions, how they born, around of what ideas they are structured, how they interact, and how make changes in the policy health to indigenous peoples, using the opportunity structure, that opens the possibilities to break the stability and change the status quo / Essa dissertação propõe uma análise da Política de Saúde para as Populações Indígenas no Brasil, do período entre 1986 e 2013, tendo como base as teorias de políticas públicas desenvolvidas pela Ciência Política, em particular o ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) desenvolvido por Jenkins-Smith e Sabatier. Observamos que essa política pública nasce devido a um contexto mais amplo de transformações da natureza da cidadania, que compele a uma nova forma de se formular políticas públicas que lidam com a diversidade, que passa a conciliar o principio da igualdade com o respeito a diferença. E demonstramos como o Estado brasileiro busca nessa política a conciliação entre o direito à saúde e os direitos culturais, ou seja, entre o universalismo e o particularismo, tratando dos dilemas inevitáveis que esta questão acarreta. No entanto, destacamos que na política de saúde indígena ocorre uma frequência incomum de descontinuidades. Identificamos que, entre a consolidação da base ideológica dessa política pública em 1986 e o atual momento de 2013, ocorre uma série de reconfigurações institucionais e reestruturações do modelo de atenção. As quatro principais mudanças foram: em 1991, quando responsabilidade da saúde indígena é transferida para a FUNASA (Fundação Nacional de Saúde); em 1994, quando ocorre o retorno parcial da saúde indígena para a FUNAI(Fundação Nacional do Índio);em 1999, com a Lei Arouca que devolve a integralidade da responsabilidade da saúde indígena para a FUNASA; e em 2008, quando é criada a Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena. Essa pesquisa propõe responder quais foram os fatores que causaram o quadro geral de instabilidade institucional e das mudanças identificadas; adota como hipótese central que a causa das mudanças, e consequentemente, da instabilidade, foi a disputa entre as coalizões que se estruturam em torno de um conjunto de divergentes ideias que formam a base normativa da política de saúde indígena. Assim demonstramos quais são as coalizões, como nascem, em torno de quais ideias se estruturam, como interagem e causam mudanças na política de saúde indígena, usando a estrutura de oportunidade que possibilita a ruptura da estabilidade e mudança do status quo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Otavio dos Santos Pereira.pdf: 961275 bytes, checksum: 142b625726925eca0fc0b979f53de0a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-10 / This dissertation proposes an analysis of the Health Policy for Indigenous People of Brazil, in the period between 1986 and 2013, with basis in the theories of policy studies developed by the Political Science, in special the ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) developed by Jenkins-Smith and Sabatier. We observe that this policy born due to an amplest context of transformations of citizenship nature, that compels to a new way to formulate policies that handle with diversity, that start to conciliate the principle of equality with the respect to difference. And we demonstrate how the Brazilian State search in this policy the conciliation between the health right and the cultural rights, with mean, between the principles of universalism and particularism, dealing with the unavoidable set of dilemmas that this matter causes. However, we highlight that in this health policy occur an uncommon frequency of discontinuities. We identify that between the consolidation of the ideational basis of this policy in 1986 and the present period of 2013; occur an sequence of institutional reconfigurations and restructuration of the attention model. The four main changes are: in 1991, when the responsibility of the indigenous health was transferred to FUNASA( National Foundation of Health); in1994, when occur the partial return of the indigenous health to FUNAI( National Foundation of Indian); in 1999, with the Arouca s Law that give back the integrity of the indigenous health responsibility to FUNASA; in 2008, when was create the Especial Secretary of Indigenous Health. This research propose to answer what was the factors that causes the general picture of the institutional instability and the identified changes; and adopt as main hypothesis that the sources of the changes and consequentially of the instability, was the competition between the coalitions that structure themselves around of a divergent set of ideas, that constitute the normative basis of the health policy for indigenous peoples. That way shows with are the coalitions, how they born, around of what ideas they are structured, how they interact, and how make changes in the policy health to indigenous peoples, using the opportunity structure, that opens the possibilities to break the stability and change the status quo / Essa dissertação propõe uma análise da Política de Saúde para as Populações Indígenas no Brasil, do período entre 1986 e 2013, tendo como base as teorias de políticas públicas desenvolvidas pela Ciência Política, em particular o ACF( Advocacy Coalition Framework) desenvolvido por Jenkins-Smith e Sabatier. Observamos que essa política pública nasce devido a um contexto mais amplo de transformações da natureza da cidadania, que compele a uma nova forma de se formular políticas públicas que lidam com a diversidade, que passa a conciliar o principio da igualdade com o respeito a diferença. E demonstramos como o Estado brasileiro busca nessa política a conciliação entre o direito à saúde e os direitos culturais, ou seja, entre o universalismo e o particularismo, tratando dos dilemas inevitáveis que esta questão acarreta. No entanto, destacamos que na política de saúde indígena ocorre uma frequência incomum de descontinuidades. Identificamos que, entre a consolidação da base ideológica dessa política pública em 1986 e o atual momento de 2013, ocorre uma série de reconfigurações institucionais e reestruturações do modelo de atenção. As quatro principais mudanças foram: em 1991, quando responsabilidade da saúde indígena é transferida para a FUNASA (Fundação Nacional de Saúde); em 1994, quando ocorre o retorno parcial da saúde indígena para a FUNAI(Fundação Nacional do Índio);em 1999, com a Lei Arouca que devolve a integralidade da responsabilidade da saúde indígena para a FUNASA; e em 2008, quando é criada a Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena. Essa pesquisa propõe responder quais foram os fatores que causaram o quadro geral de instabilidade institucional e das mudanças identificadas; adota como hipótese central que a causa das mudanças, e consequentemente, da instabilidade, foi a disputa entre as coalizões que se estruturam em torno de um conjunto de divergentes ideias que formam a base normativa da política de saúde indígena. Assim demonstramos quais são as coalizões, como nascem, em torno de quais ideias se estruturam, como interagem e causam mudanças na política de saúde indígena, usando a estrutura de oportunidade que possibilita a ruptura da estabilidade e mudança do status quo

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Abstract CROSS-IDEOLOGICAL SOLAR POWER COALITIONS IN THE AMERICAN SOUTH: AN ADVOCACY COALITION APPROACH By Brian T. Toibin, Ph.D. A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Policy and Administration at Virginia Commonwealth University. Virginia Commonwealth University, 2018. Major Director: Dr. Damian Pitt Associate Professor of Urban and Regional Studies and Planning L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs The purpose of this study was to explore two particular cross-ideological coalitions that have formed in order to promote pro-solar power policies in Georgia and Florida through the lens of the Advocacy Coalition Framework. The membership of the coalitions include individuals and organizations from opposite sides of the current prevailing ideological spectrum which united to support pro-solar policies for reasons that are consistent with their ideological worldview. The coalition in Georgia is known as the Green Tea Coalition and the coalition in Florida is known as Floridians for Solar Choice. This qualitative study was guided by the following questions: 1) Why did supporters of solar power organize themselves into the particular coalition structures represented by Georgia’s Green Tea Coalition and the Floridians for Solar Choice Coalition?; 2) How have Georgia’s Green Tea Coalition and the Floridians for Solar Choice Coalition successfully managed their policy coalitions?; 3) How effective are these coalitions perceived to be by public policy players outside the coalitions?; 4) Do the Green Tea Coalition and the Floridians for Solar Choice Coalition represent an Advocacy Coalition approach? Engaging these questions through the effective theoretical lens of the Advocacy Coalition Framework revealed a compelling example of cross-ideological cooperation within an increasingly divided political culture. Significant lessons concerning the formation and successful operation of coalitions were learned. The importance of strategic alliances, public belief systems, policy messaging, electorate education, policy learning, and careful political positioning are a few of the factors that enabled these coalitions to find success. The political success of these coalitions significantly advanced the role that solar power will be allowed to play in the future energy portfolio of these two influential states in the American South and across the country. While the positive results for the future of solar power engineered by the coalitions are impressive, perhaps the most important lessons revealed by the study concern the potential for progress and cooperation on other complex issues. A portfolio of difficult issues awaits action by persons of good faith willing to find a cooperative path on which to move forward. Coalitions will be required to address many of these difficult problems. The lessons and example provided by these two cross-ideological coalitions may help others produce a their own blueprint to encourage cross-ideological cooperation. This cooperation will be required if progress is to be made for the well being of current and future generations.

This thesis investigates the role of ideas in policy processes. It does so using three theories as a starting point, selected for being alike yet unique in their description of how ideas may “get stuck” in the organization’s production and reproduction of policy. The theories are Discourse Coalition Framework, Advocacy Coalition Framework, and Punctuated Equilibrium Theory. These theories have very different emphases but share constructivist traits and an interest in how social processes of meaning making take form in a rather “traditional” organizational setting, thus paying attention to, if not reducing the study to, the institutions of representative democracy. Two theoretical problems are identified within these theories. They concern 1) the mechanism and 2) the object of analysis. The theoretical question addressed in part I is: How are we to understand the proposition that ideas may cause stability in policy processes? What is the underlying mechanism? It is argued that the cognitive mechanism which the theories use should be substituted with a social psychological one. The assumption that stability is created when political actors conform to the ideas of others when they are confronted with apparent unanimity among policy makers, rather than that they internalize these ideas, makes both greater stability and instability in policy processes more plausible. Part II poses the question; if we are to investigate policy stability and instability using the discussed theoretical perspective, what unit of analysis should we use? In other words, what is a policy? It is argued that if ideological stability is seen as an effect of how policy formulation is organized (as is argued in part I), then close attention must be paid to processual factors when it is decided what unit of policy, on what level, might be explained. It is furthermore argued that although we may theoretically form an idea about substantially coherent patterns of policy recognizable as a policy, which should result from stable organizational patterns of communication in the policy process, it remains an empirical question if and where these patterns can actually be found. An analysis of Swedish environmental policy is performed to allow for observations of the degree to which empirical evidence is consistent with the policy patterns predicted by the theoretical assumptions outlined in part one.

This essay is an analysis of the Swedish crisis management, as a policy subsystem using the Advocacy Coalition Framework. By applying a Causal Process Tracing method, the main issues of division within the policy subsystem will be examined, and the effects of the 2004 South East Asian tsunami as an incitement of policy change. The major finding is that the reforms that followed the tsunami investigations, to a large extent were planned prior to the tragic event, the main changes seem to have been halted by the 2006 election and change of Office. The cross-party coalitions that were found have theoretical implications for the ACF research.

Submitted by Caroline Periotto (carol@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-03T14:52:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRPA.pdf: 1718615 bytes, checksum: e22c09bad2debcd664b719f90c36b098 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-10T17:27:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRPA.pdf: 1718615 bytes, checksum: e22c09bad2debcd664b719f90c36b098 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-10T17:27:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRPA.pdf: 1718615 bytes, checksum: e22c09bad2debcd664b719f90c36b098 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-10T17:27:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissRPA.pdf: 1718615 bytes, checksum: e22c09bad2debcd664b719f90c36b098 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / The public-cultural policies, and in the particular the audiovisual policies, gained prominence at the federal level during the administrations of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). This work aimed to answer such questions: who are the political actors to discuss media in Brazil? What do they believe in? What are their interests? And how do the they get united do defend their interests? Among the many debates that took place during this period of time, four of them have happened by mobilizing the actions of groups who gathered around coalitions. The four controversial issues were: the attempt to create the National Cinema and Audiovisual Agency (Ancinav), the debate over installation of the Brazilian Digital TV System, the creation of Brazil Communications Company (EBC, better know as TV Brazil_ and the debate about the technological convergence between electronic media and telecommunications, proposed by the Draft Law nº 29/2007. The theory and method approach adopted in this study is based on Advocacy Coalition Framework proposed by Paul Sabatier, wic featured collaborations in the years of Jenkins-Smith and Weible. That model aims to explain the political process in a holistc manner by taking into account theoretical premises as the existence of subsystems in public policy and the importance of the values and beliefs of the various political actors involved in this process. Data for the analysis come from selected shorthand notes and available in the Chamber of Deputies – who were treated from the perspective of content analysis – as well as another sources such as ministerial speeches and newspaper articles. As a result we present the three mapped coalitions that impige on the political game an seek to perpetuate their beliefs in the modus operandi of making such audiovisual policy. / As políticas público-culturais, e em específico as políticas do audiovisual, ganharam destaque em âmbito federal durante as gestões do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Tendo em vista este recorte temporal, que abarcou o período de 2003 a 2010, esta dissertação teve o objetivo de responder a perguntas como: quem são os atores políticos que debatem o tema do audiovisual no Brasil? No que eles acreditam? Quais são seus interesses? E, como se dá a união deles em coalizões para defender seus interesses? Dentre os diversos debates que aconteceram neste período, quatro nos chamaram a atenção por mobilizarem a atuação de grupos que se reuniram em torno de coalizões. Os quatro temas polêmicos foram: a tentativa de criação da Agência Nacional de Cinema e do Audiovisual (Ancinav), o debate sobre a instalação do Sistema Brasileiro de TV Digital, a criação da Empresa Brasil de Comunicação (EBC, mais conhecida como a TV Brasil) e o debate acerca da convergência tecnológica entre comunicação social eletrônica e telecomunicações, proposto pelo Projeto de Lei nº 29, de 2007. A perspectiva teórico-metodológica adotada neste estudo baseia-se no Modelo de Coalizões de Defesa proposto por Paul Sabatier em 1988 e que contou com colaborações nos anos seguintes de Jenkins-Smith (1993; 1999) e Weible (2005; 2007). O referido modelo busca explicar o processo político de forma holística ao levar em conta premissas teóricas como a existência de subsistemas na política pública e a importância dos valores e crenças dos diversos atores políticos envolvidos neste processo. Os dados para a análise advêm de notas taquigráficas selecionadas e disponíveis na Câmara dos Deputados – que foram tratadas sob a ótica da análise de conteúdo – além de outras fontes, como discursos ministeriais e matérias jornalísticas. Como resultado, apresentamos o mapeamento de três coalizões que se embatem no jogo político e buscam perpetuar suas crenças no modus operandi de fazer a política do audiovisual.

Submitted by Daniele Amaral (daniee_ni@hotmail.com) on 2016-10-14T16:06:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAGS.pdf: 2803632 bytes, checksum: 1e6ef9369c0ce5e6e05946a7ca41b0c6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-21T13:51:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAGS.pdf: 2803632 bytes, checksum: 1e6ef9369c0ce5e6e05946a7ca41b0c6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-21T13:51:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAGS.pdf: 2803632 bytes, checksum: 1e6ef9369c0ce5e6e05946a7ca41b0c6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-21T13:51:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseAGS.pdf: 2803632 bytes, checksum: 1e6ef9369c0ce5e6e05946a7ca41b0c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This research aims to analyze the role of actors and ideas on the institutional change that led to the inclusion of the right to memory and truth as a public policy in the third edition of the National Human Rights Program (PNDH-3), resulting in the creation of the National Truth Commission (CNV) in 2011. In Brazil the process of setting up these policies, although dating from the 1970s and during many governments still remains unfinished. Consisting of a long process of political discussion, these clashes, caught in different political arenas and in different historical contexts, had their institutionalization only in 2009 with the edition of the PNDH-3 and some laws, the main ones being: the one created the National Commission of Truth (Law No. 12,528 / 2011), and that gave new wording to the Access to Information Act (Law No. 12,527 / 2011), allowing the opening of the dictatorship files and thus allowing the CNV the execution of its work. The struggle waged for more than three decades to build the right to memory, truth and justice (with the latter aspect of justice never being achieved) was permeated by advances and setbacks, with the central agents of this process being two opposing forces. Over the period studied in this research (1970-2011), the clash between these two opposing forces won several contours and was analyzed based on the theoretical model of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) developed by Paul Sabatier and Hank Jenkins-Smith (1993; 1999). To understand how this occurred institutional change happened, the investigation analyzed the dynamics of action of these conflicting groups in the decisionmaking processes that formed the three versions of PNDH, the main national implementing laws on this subject and its results. Based on these documents it was possible to map the actors (governmental and non-governmental), their beliefs and resources commonly used by them to influence the political process. Two different locus of action were analyzed with actors who opposed and complemented each other. The first locus was called "subsystem of the National Human Rights Program" (SPNDH), within the SPNDH the discussions on the right to memory, truth and justice were analyzed; the second locus was called "subsystem of access to information" (SAI), and the research focused specifically in the discussions on the opening of the military dictatorship files. In the two subsystems, there was the work of two coalitions, which were called "truth and justice coalition" (CVJ) and "reciprocal and partial amnesty coalition" (CARP). As a result, the survey found that the beliefs that shaped these coalitions are stable over time (the second half of the 1970s to 2011). However, depending on the historical moment and the debates that stand out in the national political scene, coalitions tend to converge their struggles for just some of those beliefs in order to ensure that every effort will be made to translate them into policies. Regarding the policy change, it is observed that, in SPNDH, representative changes (of the large-sized kind) occurred only in 2008, but these are soon reversed, and inside the SAI, they occur over the FHC era and the Lula era, and the significant changes (also of the large -sized kind) come only in 2011 influenced by changes in SPNDH. Regarding the coalitions mapped in the subsystems, it is clearly perceived the work of one of them behind the scenes of politics (reciprocal and partial amnesty coalition) and its influence throughout the decision-making process in the two subsystems. / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o papel dos atores e ideias na mudança institucional que levou a inserção do direito à memória e verdade como política pública na terceira edição do Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos (PNDH-3), resultando na criação da Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV) no ano de 2011. No Brasil o processo de constituição dessas políticas, apesar de datar da década de 1970 e ter perpassado diversos governos, ainda hoje permanece inacabado. Constituído de um longo processo de discussões políticas, esses embates, travados em diversas arenas e em contextos históricos distintos, tiveram sua institucionalização apenas no ano de 2009 com a edição do PNDH-3 e de algumas leis, sendo as principais: a que criou a Comissão Nacional da Verdade (Lei nº 12.528/2011), e a que deu nova redação a Lei de Acesso à Informação (Lei nº 12.527/2011), permitindo a abertura dos arquivos da ditadura e consequentemente possibilitando a execução dos trabalhos da CNV. A luta empreendida por mais de três décadas para construção do direito à memória, verdade e justiça (essa última dimensão nunca foi alcançada) foi permeada por avanços e retrocessos, tendo como agentes centrais desse processo duas forças antagônicas. Ao longo do período estudado nessa pesquisa (1970-2011), o embate entre essas duas forças contrárias ganhou diversos contornos e foi analisado à luz do modelo teórico do Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) desenvolvido por Paul Sabatier e Hank Jenkins-Smith (1993;1999). Para compreender como ocorreu a mudança institucional que permitiu a inserção do direito á memória e verdade como política pública foram analisadas as dinâmicas de atuação desses grupos em conflito a partir dos processos decisórios que conformaram as três versões do PNDH, as principais leis de aplicação nacional sobre esse tema e seus resultados. Com base nesses documentos foi possível mapear os atores (governamentais e não governamentais), suas crenças e os recursos comumente empregados por eles para influenciar o processo político. A análise foi feita a partir de dois lócus diferentes de atuação dos atores, que se contrapõem e se complementam. O primeiro denominado de "subsistema do Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos" (SPNDH), nele foram analisadas as discussões sobre o direito à memória, verdade e justiça; o segundo, denominado de "subsistema de acesso à informação" (SAI), centrou-se especificamente nos debates sobre a abertura dos arquivos da ditadura militar. Nos dois subsistemas, verificou-se a atuação de duas coalizões, as quais foram denominadas de "coalizão verdade e justiça" (CVJ) e "coalizão anistia recíproca e parcial" (CARP). Como resultado, a pesquisa verificou que as crenças que conformaram essas coalizões mantiveram-se estáveis ao longo do tempo (segunda metade da década de 1970 a 2011), porém, dependendo do momento histórico e dos debates que sobressaem no cenário político nacional, as coalizões tendem a convergir suas lutas para apenas algumas delas, no intuito de empreender esforços para traduzi-las em políticas. No que concerne à mudança política, observa-se que, no SPNDH, as mudanças representativas (de grande porte) ocorrem somente no ano de 2008, mas estas são revertidas logo em seguida e, no SAI, elas ocorrem ao longo dos governos FHC e Lula, sendo que, as mudanças significativas (de grande porte) acontecem apenas no ano de 2011 influenciadas pelas alterações no subsistema do PNDH. Em relação às coalizões mapeadas nos subsistemas, fica nítida a atuação de uma delas nos bastidores da política (coalizão anistia recíproca e parcial) e a sua influência durante todo o processo decisório nos dois subsistemas.