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This work seeks to address the major texts of Slavoj Zizek using a reading methodology which treats political philosophy as a practice, rather than a series of logical propositions or claims of truth or falsity. Philosophy is herein understood as a field of relations among authors who occupy precise theoretical and political coordinates. Writing produces and reproduces an author's position within this field via the way in which an author communicates with his/her peers, draws on past concepts, and designs new ones. This paper argues that Zizek cannot usefully be grasped as a theorist attempting to provide positive political solutions or analyses, but rather as a 'negative' force who occupies an impossible position by attempting to negate his peers and popular contemporary theoretical concepts - Zizek wishes to create a new intellectual space where political possibilities can be rethought and rediscovered, and he does this in his texts by ephemerally occupying multiple positions only to displace them.

Diss.--Universität Bremen, 1999. / Bibliogr. p. 257-267.

Tesis para optar al grado de Magíster en Filosofía / La investigación se encamina hacia la reflexión en torno a la ideología y los aparatos ideológicos de Estado, específicamente el espacio educativo desde una mirada Althusseriana. Este recorrido fue orientado por la lectura y el análisis del texto de Althusser: “Ideología y aparatos ideológicos del Estado”. A partir de lo anterior, surge la pregunta sobre la actualidad de los conceptos Althusserianos respecto de la ideología y de los aparatos ideológicos de Estado y si la escuela, de acuerdo con el pensamiento de Althusser, cumple con el rol de espacio ideologizador. Este camino sólo evidencia su importancia, en la medida que se considera trascendente la reflexión sobre la ideologización y cuál es la preponderancia que tiene en la mantención y reproducción del sistema de dominación, es decir, la reproducción de relaciones capitalistas de producción. Este intento constituye, una primera aproximación en nuestra investigación, a saber, lograr una adecuada comprensión de los conceptos presentados por Althusser en relación a la ideología y los aparatos ideológicos. De esta manera, llegar a saber en que medida el espacio educativo se vuelve un instrumento primordial como aparato ideológico de Estado es de vital importancia para alcanzar los objetivos de la presente investigación. Para ello se da inicio a este análisis, exponiendo y profundizando en los conceptos esenciales de la propuesta althusseriana. Estas nociones van desde la formación social hasta la reproducción de las relaciones de producción, que sostienen, mantienen y reproducen el sistema a través de la introyección de la ideología por parte de los individuos para terminar transformándolos en sujetos ideológicos. Un segundo momento en este recorrido estará centrado en la reflexión acerca de la ideología, su importancia, su actualidad y su relación con la dominación y la resistencia. Este examen estará guiado por las siguientes interrogantes: ¿cómo la aprendemos?, ¿cómo la introyectamos?, ¿cómo se produce y reproduce? Un acercamiento general al concepto de ideología (reformulado por Althusser) nos permitirá dar luz a un nuevo significado, en el que se asocian lo teórico y lo práctico, pues a los individuos se les interpela convirtiéndolos, de esta manera, en sujetos ideológicos y esto se logra a través de la introyección . Para finalizar, un tercer momento de esta mirada althusseriana esta dado por la reflexión sobre el espacio educativo como agente reproductor de las condiciones de desigualdad, inequidad, sometimiento y obediencia; es decir de las relaciones de explotación capitalista. Esto nos permitirá explorar su vigencia como aparato ideológico de Estado y, para ello, se identificaran algunos de los procesos claves dentro de la dinámica de concientización ideológica, por medio de la investigación en torno a preguntas esenciales como: ¿cuál es el rol que le cabe al espacio educativo en esta transformación?, ¿es factible o real lo sostenido por Althusser respecto de la escuela?, ¿realmente la escuela actual sigue siendo un aparato ideológico de Estado?

This work seeks to address the major texts of Slavoj Zizek using a reading methodology which treats political philosophy as a practice, rather than a series of logical propositions or claims of truth or falsity. Philosophy is herein understood as a field of relations among authors who occupy precise theoretical and political coordinates. Writing produces and reproduces an author's position within this field via the way in which an author communicates with his/her peers, draws on past concepts, and designs new ones. This paper argues that Zizek cannot usefully be grasped as a theorist attempting to provide positive political solutions or analyses, but rather as a 'negative' force who occupies an impossible position by attempting to negate his peers and popular contemporary theoretical concepts - Zizek wishes to create a new intellectual space where political possibilities can be rethought and rediscovered, and he does this in his texts by ephemerally occupying multiple positions only to displace them.

Using spectacle to alienate people from each other and life, President Snow's Panem from Collins' Hunger Games trilogy is Guy Debord's Society of Spectacle. As Debord predicts, the spectacle of the Annual Hunger Games causes a degradation of life for citizens in the Districts and the Capitol, leading to a society where nobody truly lives and citizens accept the narrative that President Snow and his regime promote about the Games. Using Luis Althusser to understand how President Snow links his power to that of the Games, we understand how the dictator brainwashed his citizens into compliance through his narrative, and also, how this narrative is constantly delivered through the various ISAs and SAs in Panem to degrade life into false unity and false consciousness, socially coercing citizens to fall in line with the narrative around spectacle. Katniss Everdeen is unique as she is too authentic to use her celebrity status in promotion of the Games; instead, she accidentally performs Debord's true critiques, sparking a rebellion through love. Katniss' acts of love translate into true critiques of the spectacle that is Panem and the Games, and because Snow has spent decades brainwashing his populace into a blind acceptance of celebrity and social similarities, Katniss is successful as the Mockingjay through rebellious love. Through Katniss, we see how spectacle can be as self-defeating as it is self-perpetuating.

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Orientador: Renê José Trentin Silveira / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T22:48:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nogueira_CarmenAlineAlvares_M.pdf: 1360996 bytes, checksum: cce2cad7d14ebb009baebd580a1bdc55 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Este trabalho apresenta um estudo sobre a legislação que regulamentou o ensino médio no Brasil durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), a partir da Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Brasileira (LDB), do Plano Nacional de Educação (PNE) e de outros documentos oficiais publicados durante esse período, tendo como referencial a teoria da escola como aparelho ideológico de Estado (AIE), de Louis Althusser. A pesquisa buscou identificar e analisar as principais transformações na legislação que regulamentou os ensinos médio e técnico de 1995 a 2002, bem como o contexto em que foram produzidas. Também foi realizado um estudo da referida teoria, a partir das obras do próprio autor e de alguns de seus comentadores, confrontando-a com a legislação que regulamentou o ensino médio e o ensino técnico durante o governo FHC, a fim de investigar se e em que medida a legislação educacional desse período pode ser considerada um instrumento de manutenção da escola como AIE, ressaltando os limites e possibilidades dessa instituição na perspectiva da luta de classes / Abstract: This paper presents a study on the legislation that regulates high school in Brazil during the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), from the Law of Guidelines and Bases of Brazilian Education ("LDB"), the National Education Plan ("PNE") and other official documents published during that period, taking as reference the theory of school as an ideological state apparatus ( ISA), by Louis Althusser . The research had the goal to identify and analyze the main changes in the law which lead the secondary and technical teachings from 1995 to 2002, as well as the context in which they were produced. A study of this theory was also performed, from the works of the author himself and some of his commentators, comparing it with legislation that regulates high school and technical education during the FHC government, in order to investigate whether and how the educational legislation of this period can be considered as a mean of maintaining the school as IEA, highlighting the limits and possibilities of this institution from the perspective of class struggleAbstract: / Mestrado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Mestra em Educação

Ce travail se propose de revenir sur l'intervention de Louis Althusser dans le champ de la théorisation sociale et politique. Il a été motivé par la conviction qu'aujourd'hui Althusser, bien que chronologiquement proche de nous, est oublié, voire refoulé : ainsi, son objectif aura été à la fois de restituer, par l'examen des sources publiées (aussi bien du vivant de l'auteur qu'après sa mort) et de documents inédits du fonds de l'IMEC, la théorie ou l'esquisse de théorisation althussérienne de l'État et de mesurer un « effet-Althusser » sur la conjoncture philosophique française des années 1970 et suivantes (auprès de ses collaborateurs fidèles, comme Balibar, et dans une moindre mesure, Poulantzas, ou infidèles, comme Rancière ou Badiou, aussi bien qu'auprès de ses ennemis « intimes » Foucault et Bourdieu). Le résultat de cette enquête sur la théorisation althussérienne de la politique et de l'État a révélé une tension insurmontable en son sein : la politique y est écartelée entre deux modes d'existence distincts et, à la limite, incompatibles, entre, d'un côté, la thèse d'une régulation continue de la conflictualité sociale par l'État, et d'un autre côté, la thèse d'une alternative radicale incarnée par un hypothétique, nécessaire et improbable « parti hors-État ». / The dissertation is a study of Althusser's contribution to social and political theory. Indeed, although chronologically close to us, Althusser is often forgotten, if not repressed. By examining published sources (including Althusser's posthumous works) and unpublished documents from the IMEC library, this study tries to re-establish the Althusserian theory of the state - or the basic premises of a theory -, and to assess a possible "Althusser-effect" on French philosophy from the 1970s on, in the works of his faithful disciples such as Balibar, and, to a certain extent, Poulantzas, and unfaithful ones like Rancière or Badiou, as well as in the philosophical output of his most "intimate" enemies, Foucault and Bourdieu). There appears to be an insuperable tension at the core of the Althusserian theory of Politics and State. His view on politics is tom between two separate - if not incompatible - modes of existence; on the one hand, the idea of a continuous regulation of social conflict by the State, and on the other hand, the idea of a radical alternative epitomized by a hypothetical, necessary and improbable "out-of-the-State Party".