By conducting an explorative study it is tried to determine whether a sample of film enthusiasts can produce a similar result in judging for the 87th Academy Awards for movies in 2014 like the actual Academy members or not. An online survey has been created and the votes cast by the participants have been tabulated. It can be shown that the results of the simulated awards voting in the survey are quite similar to the actual Academy decision. However, additional adjustments and further studies are recommended to ensure the results.

Voting is a fundamental decision making instrument in any consensus-based society. It is employed in various applications from student body elections, reality television shows, shareholder meetings, to national elections. With the motivation of better eciency, scalability, speed, and lower cost, voting is currently shifting from paper-based to the use of electronic medium. This is while aiming to achieve better security, such that voting result reflects true opinions of the voters. Our research focuses on the study of cryptographic voting protocols accommodating a flexible ballot structure as a foundation for building a secure electronic voting system with acceptable voting results. In particular, we search for a solution suitable for the preferential voting system employed in the Australian Federal Election. The outcomes of the research include: improvements and applications of batch proof and verication theorems and techniques, a proposed alternative homomorphic encryption based voting scheme, a proposed Extended Binary Mixing Gate (EBMG) mix-network scheme, a new threshold randomisation technique to achieve receipt-freeness property in voting, and the application of cryptographic voting protocol for preferential voting. The threats and corresponding requirements for a secure secret-ballot voting scheme are rst discussed. There are significant security concerns about the conduct of electronic voting, and it is essential that the voting results re ect the true opinions of the voters - especially in political elections. We examine and extend batch processing proofs and verifications theorems and proposed applications of the theorems useful for voting. Many instances of similar operations can be processed in a single instance using a batch technique based on one of the batch theorems. As the proofs and verications provide formal assurances that the voting process is secure, batch processing offers great efficiency improvements while retaining the security required in a real-world implementation of the protocol. The two main approaches in cryptographic voting protocols, homomorphic encryption based voting and mix-network based voting, are both studied in this research. An alternative homomorphic voting scheme using multiplicative homomorphism property, and a number of novel mix-network schemes are proposed. It is shown that compared to the mix-network approach, homomorphic encryption schemes are not scalable for straight-forward adaptation of preferential systems. One important requirement of secret-ballot voting is receipt-freeness. A randomisation technique to achieve receipt-freeness in voting is examined and applied in an ecient and practical voting scheme employing an optimistic mix-network. A more general technique using threshold randomisation is also proposed. Combination of the primitives, both the homomorphic encryption and mixnetwork approach, yields a hybrid approach producing a secure and ecient secret-ballot voting scheme accommodating a exible ballot structure. The resulting solution oers a promising foundation for secure and practical secret-ballot electronic voting accommodating any type of counting system.

Las entidades públicas como las Municipalidades rurales se encuentran agobiadas por los diferentes desafíos a los cuales deben hacer frente a la ciudadanía. En este caso es la transparencia de información en la administración de control de sanciones de los vehículos menores (Mototaxis). El principal problema que existe es que al no contar con un sistema informático que permita administrar el control de sanciones, existen deficiencias en la administración como: pérdidas de información, informalidad administrativa, pérdida de tiempos en registros y consultas de infracciones. Para este problema se ha investigado en diferentes Municipales rurales las cuales aún no cuentan con un control eficiente para la administración de infracciones; en consecuencia, existen ciertas inquietudes de parte de los propietarios de los vehículos menores por no contar con una información transparente y concisa frente a las infracciones impuestas por parte de los inspectores municipales. Sin embargo, una conclusión importante es que este proyecto de investigación podrá mejorar la administración de sanciones en los vehículos menores, reducir la delincuencia en las calles (secuestro), la informalidad vial vehicular, la mejora de servicios hacia los ciudadanos y la recaudación de ingresos para la municipalidad; teniendo como principales beneficiaros la Municipalidad de Santa Eulalia, los propietarios de los vehículos menores y la población del distrito. Public entities such as rural municipalities are overwhelmed by the different challenges that are facing the public. Here is information transparency in the administration control sanctions smaller vehicles (Mototaxis). The main problem is that there does not have a computerized system to manage the control of sanctions, deficiencies in the administration as loss of information, administrative informality, loss of records and consultations in times of infringements. For this problem it has been investigated in different rural Municipal which do not yet have an efficient management control violations; consequently, there are some concerns on the part of the owners of small vehicles for not having a clear and concise imposed against infringements by the municipal inspectors information. However, an important conclusion is that this research project will improve the administration of sanctions on smaller vehicles, reducing street crime (kidnapping), the vehicular traffic informality, improving services to citizens and revenue collection for the municipality; having as main beneficiaries the Municipality of Santa Eulalia, the owners of small vehicles and the district's population.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 robson_becker_loeck_dissertacao.pdf: 788799 bytes, checksum: a9ca77634101d6aec7f06e806f0ca6d8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-01 / Participatory Budgeting, which was first introduced in the city of Porto Alegre in 1989, has enabled an increase in citizen participation in county government administration by means of a combination between direct and representative democracy. From then on, it has been acknowledged both nationally and internationally, turning into a model of an innovative experience of popular participation in public management. In spite of its success, popular participation aimed at public budget definition and control has not been institutionalized in the long run, and its continuity depends on vote results as well as on the willingness of political parties. In order to understand the electoral behavior in a city that has adopted participatory tools that go beyond those prescribed for running representative democracies, the ballots for the Workers Party (PT) and People s Socialist Party (PPS) were analyzed in each of the sixteen areas for Participatory Budgeting on occasion of the second round vote in the 2004 city mayor election. Collected data show that PT, the party responsible for establishing and maintaining this political participatory practice along four county governments, had a better electoral performance in socio-economically poorer areas, the same ones that benefited the most from Participatory Budgeting, a key element for the explanation of ballot casting by Porto Alegre voters. / O Orçamento Participativo, implantado em 1989 na cidade de Porto Alegre-RS, possibilitou uma maior participação dos cidadãos na gestão do governo municipal, por meio de uma mescla entre democracia direta e representativa. A partir de então, conquistou reconhecimento nacional e internacional, tornando-se um exemplo de experiência inovadora de participação popular na administração pública. Apesar de seu sucesso, essa participação para definir e controlar o orçamento público não foi legalizada no decorrer dos anos, estando a sua continuidade atrelada aos resultados eleitorais e à vontade política dos partidos políticos. Com o intuito de compreender o comportamento eleitoral em uma cidade que adotou formas participativas as quais ultrapassam aquelas prescritas ao funcionamento de democracias representativas, analisou-se a votação do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e do Partido Popular Socialista (PPS), em cada uma das dezesseis regiões de funcionamento do Orçamento Participativo, no segundo turno da eleição para prefeito de 2004. Os dados apontam que o PT, partido responsável por criar e manter a prática política participativa ao longo de quatro governos municipais, obteve melhor desempenho eleitoral nas regiões menos favorecidas socioeconomicamente, justamente as mais beneficiadas pelo Orçamento Participativo, elemento central para a explicação do voto dos eleitores porto-alegrenses.

Le système électoral fait de plus en plus objet de débats et de discussions au Canada et ailleurs dans le monde. Bien qu’il existe de nombreuses études sur les avantages et les inconvénients des différents systèmes électoraux, très peu d’entre elles examinent les préférences des citoyens concernant les modes de scrutin et plus particulièrement la façon dont les individus expriment leur choix sur le bulletin de vote. Dans le cadre de ce mémoire, je m’attarde aux questions suivantes : quelle façon de voter les citoyens préfèrent-ils et pourquoi ? Afin de répondre à ces questions, j'ai mené une expérience en laboratoire avec près de 200 participants dans le cadre des élections fédérales canadiennes de 2019. Les participants furent invités à voter dans une série d'élections en utilisant chacune des trois façons de voter suivantes en ordre aléatoire : scrutin à vote unique, vote par approbation et vote par rangement. Après chaque vote, les participants furent informés du résultat électoral dans leur groupe et interrogés sur leur niveau de satisfaction à l'égard de chaque façon de voter. Les résultats démontrent que les citoyens préfèrent avoir la possibilité de classer les partis plutôt que d'utiliser un scrutin à vote unique ou un vote par approbation. Les individus sont également plus susceptibles d’aimer un mode scrutin lorsqu'ils sont satisfaits des résultats de l’élection. / Debates over which electoral system would best serve the general public are on the rise in Canada and in other democratic countries. Although there exists a rich literature on the benefits and shortcomings of different electoral systems, very few studies examine citizens’ preferences regarding voting rules and the ways in which individuals can cast their vote. In this paper, I address the following questions: What voting rules do citizens prefer and why? To address these questions, I conducted a within-subject laboratory experiment with nearly 200 participants in the run up to the 2019 Canadian federal election. Participants were asked to vote in a set of elections using each of the three following types of ballots in random order: one-mark ballot, approval voting and ranked voting. After each vote, participants were informed of the election results and asked about their level of satisfaction with each voting system. The results show that citizens prefer having the option to rank order the parties rather than using a one-mark ballot or approval voting. Individuals are also more likely to favour voting rules when they are satisfied with the results of the election.

South Africa has been experiencing a number of violent strikes by trade unions in recent times. The issue is not only to hold unions liable for damage caused during strikes, but also to reduce the number of violent strikes. This study investigates if victims of such violence can hold trade unions liable for the violent acts committed by their members during industrial action. The Labour Relations Act, 66 of 1995 (LRA) makes provision for the dismissal of employees who commit misconduct during an unprotected strike. It also provides the remedy of an interdict and a claim for just and equitable compensation which can be made against the union, during an unprotected strike. It is further possible to hold the union together with its members liable for damages in terms of the Regulation of Gatherings Act, 205 of 1993 (RGA). The study argues that a strike or conduct in furtherance of a strike that becomes violent could lose protection and the trade union should consequently be held liable, in terms of the LRA and/ or the RGA, for damages caused by its members. This study investigates the position in Canada, Botswana and Australia to determine if there could be any other basis upon which to hold trade union liable for the conduct of its members. The study recommends that the common law doctrine of vicarious liability should be developed by the courts to allow trade unions to be held liable for damages caused by members during violent industrial action. Policy considerations and changing economic conditions and the nature of strikes in the Republic favours the expansion of the doctrine of vicarious liability to trade union member relationship. / Mercantile Law / LL. D.

過去由於我國立法委員選舉所採用的「複數選區單記非讓渡投票制」，常造成選風敗壞、偏激取向、派系政治等諸多負面影響。有鑑於此，立法院於2004年8月23日通過「席次減半」及「單一選區兩票制」的修憲案，並於2005年6月7日經國民大會複決通過，自第七屆開始，立法委員任期改為4年，席次減半為113人。2008年1月12日第七屆立法委員選舉首次實施「單一選區兩票制」，而本文將檢視此次立委選舉結果相關資料，探討選制改變後對我國政黨體系之影響，並從過去的理論評析與實際運作層面相互驗證，探討理論與實務之間異同，及其可能之影響因素，然而，由於僅是一次實施的結果，因此相關後續發展仍須持續觀察。 / In the past, our national elections of members of Legislative Yuan adopted “multi-member-district, single non-transferable vote.” It usually caused negative influences such as deterioration of election, extreme trends, and faction politics. Therefore, Legislative Yuan passed constitution-amending bills “seats reduction in half” and “single-district two votes system” on August 23rd, 2004. These bills were passed by National Assembly on June 7th, 2005. The term of service for the seventh legislators was prolonged into four years and the seats were reduced in half to 113 seats. The seventh legislator election adopted “single-district two votes system” for the first time on January 12th, 2008. The essay will survey information related to the outcome of the legislator election, discussing the influence of changing election systems on the systems of political parties. Through the mutual demonstration between past theory criticism and practical operation, it discusses common and different points between theories and practices and finds out possible influential elements. However, it is just the outcome of single practice so it’s following development requires constant observations.

This research is an enquiry to find an electoral formula that conforms to Canadian constitutional values. Three core values that are pertinent to the issue of electoral systems are identified: democracy, diversity, and efficiency. Each of these core values is divided into different aspects. These aspects will form the backbone of the evaluation of different electoral systems in this work. I will begin with an evaluation of the plurality model of elections, which is currently used in Canada. I will demonstrate that many of the attributes of the current system are not in tune with Canadian constitutional values, in particular with the progressive interpretation that the Supreme Court of Canada has given to the right to vote as enshrined in Section 3 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Although the interpretation of the right to vote will be the main thrust of the constitutional scrutiny in this work, attention will also be given to other pertinent rights such as equality rights, minority rights, and the freedom of expression. Next, I will examine provincial electoral reform initiatives that were initiated in five Canadian provinces. All of these initiatives - three of which were put to referenda and eventually defeated - proposed adopting a variant of proportional representation. Accordingly, I will evaluate proportional systems according to the intended values. I will conclude that these systems have problems of their own and they also cannot strike a fine balance between competing values. In the final stage, I will make a new proposal for elections to the Canadian Parliament. First, I will demonstrate that majority systems are better candidates to attain the envisioned values. Then I will introduce a new variant of the majority model, which I call a majority-preferential two-round variant. I will demonstrate that this new variant will outperform the other variants in the attainment of values if adopted for elections to the House of Commons. Finally, I will argue that the combination of a House of Commons elected through the majority-preferential formula and a proportionally elected Senate will result in a more balanced approach to the relevant constitutional values.

By conducting an explorative study it is tried to determine whether a sample of film enthusiasts can produce a similar result in judging for the 87th Academy Awards for movies in 2014 like the actual Academy members or not. An online survey has been created and the votes cast by the participants have been tabulated. It can be shown that the results of the simulated awards voting in the survey are quite similar to the actual Academy decision. However, additional adjustments and further studies are recommended to ensure the results.

This research is an enquiry to find an electoral formula that conforms to Canadian constitutional values. Three core values that are pertinent to the issue of electoral systems are identified: democracy, diversity, and efficiency. Each of these core values is divided into different aspects. These aspects will form the backbone of the evaluation of different electoral systems in this work. I will begin with an evaluation of the plurality model of elections, which is currently used in Canada. I will demonstrate that many of the attributes of the current system are not in tune with Canadian constitutional values, in particular with the progressive interpretation that the Supreme Court of Canada has given to the right to vote as enshrined in Section 3 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Although the interpretation of the right to vote will be the main thrust of the constitutional scrutiny in this work, attention will also be given to other pertinent rights such as equality rights, minority rights, and the freedom of expression. Next, I will examine provincial electoral reform initiatives that were initiated in five Canadian provinces. All of these initiatives - three of which were put to referenda and eventually defeated - proposed adopting a variant of proportional representation. Accordingly, I will evaluate proportional systems according to the intended values. I will conclude that these systems have problems of their own and they also cannot strike a fine balance between competing values. In the final stage, I will make a new proposal for elections to the Canadian Parliament. First, I will demonstrate that majority systems are better candidates to attain the envisioned values. Then I will introduce a new variant of the majority model, which I call a majority-preferential two-round variant. I will demonstrate that this new variant will outperform the other variants in the attainment of values if adopted for elections to the House of Commons. Finally, I will argue that the combination of a House of Commons elected through the majority-preferential formula and a proportionally elected Senate will result in a more balanced approach to the relevant constitutional values.