This diploma thesis presents the application of theoretical concepts of agenda- setting, media framing, public opinion, spiral of silence, social change communication and social marketing, including the specifics of public interest campaigns, on the example of research project "Changing the paradigm: Smoking in restaurants bothers people" which was conducted by the Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University and research agency Ipsos, and following media campaign against smoking in restaurants. The concept of public opinion is introduced together with the theory of the spiral of silence. In addition, the thesis deals with the issue of influencing public opinion through the media, where theories of agenda setting and media framing are illustrated on examples connected to smoking ban in restaurants. Selected theoretical concepts are shown in a reflection of new media influence. Communication of social change is introduced together with social marketing theory and aspects of health communication. The specific process of social change is introduced from the perspective of issues management. There are two case studies describing the specific phases of the research project with the media campaign in the context of the presented theory. The importance and impact of the project on the public, media and...

Le développement des réseaux de capteurs sans fil fait que chaque utilisateur ou organisation est déjà connecté à un nombre important de nœuds. Ces nœuds génèrent une quantité importante de données, rendant la gestion de ces données non évident. De plus, ces données peuvent contenir des informations concernant la vie privée. Les travaux de la thèse attaquent ces problématiques. Premièrement, nous avons conçu un middleware qui communique avec les capteurs physiques pour collecter, stocker, traduire, indexer, analyser et générer des alertes sur les données des capteurs. Ce middleware est basé sur la notion de composants et de composites. Chaque nœud physique communique avec un composite du middleware via une interface RESTFul. Ce middleware a été testé et utilisé dans le cadre du projet Européen Mobesens dans le but de gérer les données d'un réseau de capteurs pour la surveillance de la qualité de l'eau. Deuxièmement, nous avons conçu un protocole hybride d'authentification et d'établissement de clés de paires et de groupes. Considérant qu'il existe une différence de performance entre les noeuds capteur, la passerelle et le middleware, nous avons utilisé l'authentification basé sur la cryptographie basée sur les identités entre la passerelle et le serveur de stockage et une cryptographie symétrique entre les capteurs et les deux autres parties. Ensuite, le middleware a été généralisé dans la troisième partie de la thèse pour que chaque organisation ou individu puisse avoir son propre espace pour gérer les données de ses capteurs en utilisant le cloud computing. Ensuite, nous avons portail social sécurisé pour le partage des données des réseaux de capteurs / Nowadays, each user or organization is already connected to a large number of sensor nodes which generate a substantial amount of data, making their management not an obvious issue. In addition, these data can be confidential. For these reasons, developing a secure system managing the data from heterogeneous sensor nodes is a real need. In the first part, we developed a composite-based middleware for wireless sensor networks to communicate with the physical sensors for storing, processing, indexing, analyzing and generating alerts on those sensors data. Each composite is connected to a physical node or used to aggregate data from different composites. Each physical node communicating with the middleware is setup as a composite. The middleware has been used in the context of the European project Mobesens in order to manage data from a sensor network for monitoring water quality. In the second part of the thesis, we proposed a new hybrid authentication and key establishment scheme between senor nodes (SN), gateways (MN) and the middleware (SS). It is based on two protocols. The first protocol intent is the mutual authentication between SS and MN, on providing an asymmetric pair of keys for MN, and on establishing a pairwise key between them. The second protocol aims at authenticating them, and establishing a group key and pairwise keys between SN and the two others. The middleware has been generalized in the third part in order to provide a private space for multi-organization or -user to manage his sensors data using cloud computing. Next, we expanded the composite with gadgets to share securely sensor data in order to provide a secure social sensor network

Bestämmelserna om flyttningsförbud återfinns i 24 och 27 §§ lag (1990:52) med särskilda bestämmelser om vård av unga (LVU). Enligt 24 § LVU får förvaltningsrätten meddela ett flyttningsförbud om det finns en påtaglig risk för att barnets hälsa eller utveckling skadas vid en flyttning från familjehemmet. Om det är sannolikt att ett flyttningsförbud behövs och rättens beslut inte kan avvakta med hänsyn till risken för barnets hälsa eller utveckling får socialnämnden besluta om ett tillfälligt flyttningsförbud, se 27 § LVU. I 28 § LVU stadgas att ett beslut om tillfälligt flyttningsförbud ska underställas förvaltningsrätten. Utifrån teoribildningen om stigbundenhet kan en problematik med beslut om flyttningsförbud urskiljas. Stigbundenhet innebär att tidigare beslut bildar en utgångspunkt för senare beslut. Huvudsyftet med uppsatsen är dels att utreda i hur många beslut om flyttningsförbud socialnämnden har fått ett tillfälligt flyttningsförbud fastställt innan förvaltningsrätten meddelar ett flyttningsförbud, dels att studera antalet mål kammarrätten kommer till samma beslut som förvaltningsrätten i en process om flyttningsförbud. Om förvaltningsrätten och kammarrätten i många mål kommer till samma beslut undersöker uppsatsen om det vid beslut om flyttningsförbud finns en risk för stigbundenhet. Finns det en risk för stigbundenhet granskar uppsatsen ifall domstolen beslutar om flyttningsförbud trots att det inte är motiverat av principen om barnets bästa. Ett delsyfte med uppsatsen är att kartlägga vid vilka situationer och varför ett flyttningsförbud meddelas och ett tillfälligt flyttningsförbud fastställs. Ännu ett delsyfte med uppsatsen är att konstatera hur bestämmelsen om flyttningsförbud fungerar i praktiken och om förändringar av gällande rätt borde ske. En rättsdogmatisk metod används i uppsatsen för att utreda gällande rätt när det gäller regleringen om vård av barn och speciellt hur bestämmelserna om flyttningsförbud tillämpas. För att konstatera hur bestämmelsen om flyttningsförbud fungerar i praktiken och om förändringar av gällande rätt borde ske nyttjas en kritisk rättsdogmatisk metod. För att besvara uppsatsens huvudsyfte, delsyften och frågeställningar studeras domar där både förvaltningsrätten och kammarrätten prövat frågan om tillfälligt flyttningsförbud eller flyttningsförbud i sak. Utifrån resultatet av rättsfallsstudien är det befogat att konstatera att det finns en risk för stigbundenhet vid beslut om flyttningsförbud. Det finns en risk för stigbundenhet eftersom förvaltningsrätten och kammarrätten tog samma beslut i 85 % av målen och kammarrätten i en av fyra domar mer eller mindre endast hänvisade till förvaltningsrättens bedömning. I åtminstone majoriteten av domarna i rättsfallsstudien tog förvaltningsrätten och kammarrätten ett beslut som är i linje med barnets bästa. Rättsfallsstudien visar att ett flyttningsförbud i regel meddelas, när vårdnadshavaren uttryckt att den tänker eller vill hämta barnet från familjehemmet, efter en sammanvägning av diverse omständigheter. Det mest centrala vid bedömningen var barnets anknytning till familjehemmet och den risk för skada en separation skulle innebära för barnet. Det är genom rättsfallsstudien möjligt att se ett mönster för när ett flyttningsförbud anses behövligt. Bestämmelsen om flyttningsförbud verkar därmed fungera någorlunda. För att bestämmelsen om flyttningsförbud ska fungera mer tillfredställande borde dock en förändring av gällande rätt ske. / The regulations on prohibiting the relocation of a child in preventive care are found in sections 24 and 27 of the Care of Young Persons Act (1990: 52, LVU). According to section 24 LVU, the Administrative Court may issue a prohibition to relocate a child if there is a significant risk that the child's health or development could be damaged by the relocation from the family home. If it is plausible that a relocation ban is needed and the court's decision cannot wait, with regard to the risk for the child's health or development, the Social Welfare Committee may decide on a temporary relocation ban, see section 27 LVU. Section 28 LVU, stipulates that a decision on a temporary relocation ban shall be submitted to the Administrative Court. Based on a theory of path dependence a problem with decisions about a relocation ban can be distinguished, as the concept of path dependence entails that earlier decisions influence later decisions. The main purpose of the thesis is partly to investigate in how many cases the Social Welfare Committee has temporarily prohibited the relocation of a child before the Administrative Court announces a relocation ban, and partly to study the number of cases the Administrative Court of Appeal comes to the same decision as the Administrative Court in a relocation ban process. If the Administrative Court and the Administrative Court of Appeal come to the same decision in multiple cases the thesis will examine whether there is a risk of path dependence. If there is a risk of path dependence the thesis will further examine whether the court decides to prohibit the relocation of a child even though it is not justified by the principle of the best interests of the child. A subsidiary purpose of the thesis is to map out in which situations and why the court announce a relocation ban and establish a temporary relocation ban. Another subsidiary purpose of the thesis is to establish how the regulation of the relocation ban works in practice and if changes to applicable law should take place. A legal dogmatic method and a critical legal dogmatic method is used in the thesis. To answer the thesis' main purpose, subsidiary purposes and research questions, decisions from both the Administrative Court and the Administrative Court of Appeal about temporary relocation ban and relocation ban are examined.  Based on the results of the case study it is justified to state that there is a risk of path dependence when the court decides on a relocation ban. There is a risk of path dependence because the Administrative Court and the Administrative Court of Appeal made the same decision in 85 % of the cases. Another factor that signifies a risk of path dependence is that the Administrative Court of Appeal in one out of four verdicts more or less only referred to the Administrative Court's assessment. In at least the majority of the verdicts the Administrative Court and the Administrative Court of Appeal made a decision that is in line with the best interests of the child. The case study shows that the court usually announces a relocation ban, when the child’s guardian expresses that he or she intends or wants to move the child from the family home, depending on different circumstances. The most central circumstance was the child's connection to the family home and the risk of harm when separated. Through the case study it is possible to see a pattern for when a relocation ban is considered necessary. Thus, it can be concluded that the provision on the relocation bans seems to work reasonably well. However, to make the provision on the relocation ban function more satisfactorily a change in the applicable law should take place.

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Two international treaty frameworks ¿ Amended Protocol II (APII) to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons and the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention (APMBC) ¿ have been developed to prohibit or restrict the use of landmines. However, reflecting a gap in current academic research, there is a lack of knowledge of their effectiveness in supporting the humanitarian goals that underpin both treaties. In order to address gaps in the existing literature, this thesis applies an analytical framework grounded in regime theory to develop new insights into the design, implementation and effectiveness of APII and the APMBC within the broader framework of international humanitarian law (IHL). Two main hypotheses are explored. The first considers the importance for regime effectiveness of the relationship between design and implementation processes. The second analyses the significance for the landmine regimes of regime interplay and nesting within wider IHL and mine action discourses. In addressing these hypotheses, design/implementation interplay, agency dynamics and normative considerations represent key themes that enable us to develop new insights to a specific issue area that also demonstrates important linkages to wider humanitarian, security and developmental agendas.

Secure information exchanges over cyberspace is on the increase due to the convergence of wireless and mobile access technologies in all businesses. Accordingly, with the proliferation of diverse multicast group service subscriptions that are possible to co-exist within a single broadband network, there is also huge demand by the mobile subscribers to ubiquitously access these services over high speed broadband using their portable devices. Likewise, the Network Providers (NPs) invest hugely in infrastructure deployment to disseminate these services efficiently and concomitantly. Therefore, cyber security in any business is obligatory to restrict access of disseminated services to only authorised personnel. This becomes a vital requirement for a successful commercialisation of exchanged group services. The standard way to achieve cyber security in a wireless mobile multicast communication environment is through confidentiality using Group Key Management (GKM).The existing GKM schemes for secure wireless multicast from literature only target single group service confidentiality; however, the adoption of multiple group service confidentiality in them involve inefficient management of keys that induce huge performance overheads unbearable for real time computing. Therefore, a novel authenticated GKM scheme for multiple multicast group subscriptions known as slot based multiple group key management (SMGKM) is proposed. In the SMGKM, the handovers move across diverse decentralised clusters of homogeneous or heterogeneous wireless access network technologies while participating in multiple group service subscriptions. Unlike the conventional art, the SMGKM advances its security by integrating location based authentication and GKM functions. Both functions are securely offloaded from the Domain Key Distributor (DKD) to the intermediate cluster controllers, Area Key Distributors (AKDs), in a distributed fashion, using the proposed location based authenticated membership list (SKDL). A significant upgrade of fast handoff performance with reduced performance overheads of the SMGKM scheme is achieved. The developed numerical analysis and the simulation results display significant resource economy in terms of reduced rekeying transmission, communication bandwidth and storage overheads while providing enhanced security. The performance of the SMGKM in a high speed environment is also evaluated and has demonstrated that SMGKM outperforms the previous work. Finally, the SMGKM correctness against various attacks is verified using BAN logic, the eminent tool for analysing the widely deployed security protocols. The security analysis demonstrates that SMGKM can counteract the security flaws and redundancies identified in the chosen related art.

Centrée sur le droit pénal face à la migration transfrontière, la présente étude prend le parti d’intégrer en son sein deux formes de migration spécifiques : la migration irrégulière et la migration pour motif terroriste. Elle choisit également de faire du droit pénal son objet central. Ce choix conduit naturellement à renverser les perspectives initiales et à envisager, non les effets du droit pénal sur la migration transfrontière, mais l’inverse : les incidences de la migration transfrontière sur le droit pénal. À cet égard, migration irrégulière et migration pour motif terroriste ont en commun d’ébranler le droit pénal. Face à la migration irrégulière, le droit pénal subit une instrumentalisation : sa mobilisation n’est effectuée que dans une finalité administrative d’éloignement de la migration présente à la frontière (particulièrement dans les zones d’attente et frontalières). Plus encore, la politique de prévention contre l’immigration irrégulière développée à l’échelle de l’Union européenne a entraîné un véritable enchevêtrement de normes pénales, agissant dans de multiples espaces géographiques, dont certaines sont détournées afin d’entraver la migration en mer, et d’autres créées pour l’empêcher de se former sur terre, au sein des États tiers de départ. À l’inverse, le droit pénal apparaît absent face à la migration pour motif terroriste. Alors qu’il pourrait se saisir de ce phénomène, il semble au contraire dépassé par la montée en puissance de mesures de police administrative. De nature à anticiper d’une manière quasiment prédictive le risque terroriste porté par la migration transfrontière, ces mesures entraînent l’obsolescence du droit pénal. Penser le droit pénal face à la migration transfrontière permet enfin de révéler que la migration irrégulière et la migration pour motif terroriste sont liées par le droit, en étant envisagées sous le prisme du risque qu’elles portent en elle. / This study focuses on the link between criminal law and crossborder migration and will address two specific forms of migration : irregular migration and migration with a terrorist purpose. The main focus of this study is criminal law. This choice has resulted in a reversal of the original focus ; that is to say the effects of crossborder migration on criminal law as opposed to the effects of criminal law on crossborder migration. Both irregular migration and migration with a terrorist purpose undermine criminal law. With respect to irregular migration, criminal law is used as an administrative instrument to repel migrants from national borders particularly those in waiting zones and crossborder zones. Prevention policies against irregular migration implemented at the EU level have resulted in an entanglement of criminal norms, in various geographic areas, some of them were diverted to prevent migration by sea and other were created to stop migrants trying to enter by land via third countries. On the contrary, criminal law seems absent with regards to migration with a terrorist purpose. While it could effectively tackle this phenomenon, it seems overwhelmed by the rise of administrative police measures. These measures are able to anticipate in a quasi-predictive manner the risk of terrorism via crossborder migration and they in fact render criminal law ineffective. Thinking criminal law in the face of crossborder migration has allowed to reveal that irregular migration and migration with a terrorist purpose are legally contected, when they are considered through the prism of the risk conveyed.

Au début des années 1970, les travailleurs de l'amiante de Thetford Mines et d'Asbestos ont entrepris un combat pour assainir leurs milieux de travail et leurs villes, dans lesquelles les mines étaient imbriquées. À Thetford Mines, ils ont mené une longue grève de sept mois et demi qui a conduit à la mise sur pied du Comité d'étude sur la salubrité dans l'industrie de l'amiante, puis, avec l'élection du jeune Parti québécois, à la Loi sur la santé et la sécurité du travail qui introduisait les principes de l'élimination des dangers à la source et de la participation des travailleurs à son application. La crédibilité de leurs syndicats s'en trouvait renforcée. Mais bientôt la montée d'un mouvement international visant à bannir l'amiante et la crise économique du début des années 1980 allaient porter un dur coup à l'industrie et entrainer un déclin que rien ne pourrait arrêter. Les travailleurs miniers, qui s'étaient unis contre leurs employeurs et parfois contre l'État dans leur combat pour la santé, s'allièrent dès lors à leurs entreprises et aux pouvoirs publics pour promouvoir le minéral et tenter de préserver leurs emplois et la vitalité de leurs régions. Ils n'ont jamais envisagé l'arrêt de la production d'amiante car ils ont toujours considéré qu'il est possible d'en maitriser les risques et ils défendirent bec et ongles leur produit en arguant du caractère sécuritaire de ses utilisations modernes, malgré un consensus international grandissant à l'encontre de cette thèse. / The asbestos workers in the cities of Thetford Mines and Asbestos launched a campaign for better working conditions and healthier living conditions despite the entanglement of the mines in the heart of their cities, in the early 1970s. The unions in Thetford Mines together led a long, seven-and-a-half month strike, which culminated with the establishment of a committee on hygiene in the asbestos industry (Comité d’étude sur la salubrité dans l’industrie de l’amiante), and then, with the election of the young Parti Québécois, with a new occupational safety and health law which implemented the principles of eliminating dangers at their source, as well as that of worker participation in the endeavour. The asbestos unions had become credible political players. But the rise of an international movement to ban asbestos, along with the economic crisis of the early 1980s, dealt a crushing blow to the industry from which it would never recover. The miners, who had come together to take on their employers - and the government in some cases – to better their health, soon sided with industry and the public authorities to promote asbestos as a way to preserve their jobs and the life of their surrounding areas. They had never considered ceasing asbestos production because they believed the hazards could be controlled, and they persisted in their steadfast defense of the safety of the product even as an international consensus formed against this thesis.

Le nouveau conservatisme noir voit le jour dans les années 1975-1980 et s’impose comme une idéologie singulière, représentée par une élite intellectuelle (Thomas Sowell, Shelby Steele, Glenn Loury, Stephen L. Carter) graduellement institutionnalisée dans l’establishment conservateur. L’initiative personnelle, le self-help et le rejet des programmes politiques libéraux constituent les axes majeurs de cette doctrine. Les néoconservateurs afro-américains manifestent une grande confiance dans les principes économiques du libre-échange et rejettent l’interventionnisme d’État en faveur de la communauté raciale. L’attaque contre l’affirmative action s’accompagne du plaidoyer pour l’instauration de la norme de color blindness. Les actions entreprises dans le but de mettre un terme aux traitements préférentiels accordés aux minorités et aux femmes sont attentivement organisées par les acteurs de la droite américaine. Un réseau bien coordonné d’individus, des fondations conservatrices, organisations et groupes de réflexion se consacre à la promotion des stratégies color blind. Ward Connerly, homme d’affaires noir de Californie, est à la tête du mouvement pour l’abolition des traitements préférentiels accordés aux minorités et aux femmes. Bénéficiant d’un soutien fort de la part des institutions conservatrices, ses campagnes contre la politique préférentielle se concrétisent dans les États de Californie, du Washington, du Michigan et du Nebraska. / The new Black Conservatism emerges between 1975-1980 and is considered as a unique ideology. Its major representatives are intellectuals (Thomas Sowell, Shelby Steele, Glenn Loury, Stephen L. Carter) who are gradually “institutionalized” and integrated into the conservative establishment. Personal initiative, self-help and the contestation of liberal political programs represent the major axes of this ideology. Black neoconservatives greatly rely on the principles of free market economics and reject state interventionism in favor of the African-American community. Their attack on affirmative action is accompanied by attempts at instituting color blind politics. Actions undertaken in order to outlaw preferential treatment granted to minorities and women constitute a carefully organized operation. A well coordinated network of individuals, conservative foundations, organizations and think tanks are connected in this process and dedicate their efforts to advancing a color blind agenda. Ward Connerly, a black businessman from California, leads the movement for the abolition of preferential treatments granted to women and minorities. With the help of conservative institutions, his campaigns against preferential treatment put a ban of affirmative action in the States of California, Washington, Michigan and Nebraska.