The purpose of this thesis is to explore the period of relative economic and artistic freedom that occurred during the time of the New Economic Policy (1921-1924). The general failure in agriculture and in industrial productivity forced the Soviet regime to allow diversions from the orthodox Marxist view of state ownership of the tools of production. Because of the need to start the wheels of production turning, the minor landowners, small manufacturers and petty profiteers took to the task in hope of financial gains. This economic environment, uncontrolled by the Communist Party, reflected itself in the relatively chaotic "artistic scene". Amongst the many literary groups that appeared during the early 1920's, I dwell mostly upon the Serapion Brothers and the members of that group, singling out for more intense study Mikhail Zoshchenko: his artistry and his struggle for artistic freedom. / Arts, Faculty of / Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of / Graduate

When an individual decides to end a criminal lifestyle, it becomes crucial to understand how both society and the surrounding view the individual. The labeling that previously existed can still be used against the defector and reduce the opportunities in society that can be offered. This also becomes an obstacle for the individual to make a role exit and delays the change process. However, the surroundings and new interests become a motivation for not making a relapse.The purpose of the research is to study the process of change that young adult men make when they leave the criminality and the adversities they encounter during their lifetime. A qualitative method was applied to study the topic where seven participants were interviewed and shared their life stories. With a phenomenological starting point, the social reality that defectors make when they leave organized crime is accounted for. Furthermore, the research is based on eleven previous researches that have been done in Sweden, South Africa and the USA, which describe important aspects. The theoretical framework consists of Ebaughs role exit theory and Goldberg's labeling theory. The previous research shows a connection and understanding that exists among the responses of defectors, and the theories reinforce what is emphasized in the analysis. There is a central reason why the defectors chose to break off the relationship with the gang, which is described as maturity, among other things. Even prosocial relationships become the reason for the decision of defectors to leave criminality. This will also be crucial for the participants' life chances to be able to reintegrate into society.

The academic literature on Islamist moderation offers several explanations for why some Islamist political movements are moderate and others radical. These theories focus on the movements' ideology, tactics, and internal democracy. Few accounts address, however, how an Islamist movement's relations with external powers influence this outcome. This paper finds that "moderation" reflects an Islamist movement's relationship of compliance or defiance with external powers rather than its essential organizational characteristics. In comparing the Moroccan Justice and Development Party (PJD) with the Egyptian Muslim Brothers, it explores why the United States has built good relations with the former but not with the latter. Employing approximately 20 interviews conducted with Islamists, U.S. diplomats, and Moroccan experts in 2009, I show that the PJD's compliance with U.S. foreign policy decisions and interests helps to shape perceptions that the movement is more moderate than its Egyptian counterpart, despite the two movements' similar ideology, tactics, and internal practices. / text

Les fraternités ou les confréries de Notre Dame du Rosaire des Hommes Noirs sont apparues au Brésil au cours de la période de l'esclavage, en manifestant un grand intérêt pour les Africains, libres et captifs, et leurs descendants. Malgré l'imposition du culte catholique qui les caractérisait, ces associations laïques n'ont pas cessé d'être un vecteur de création de sociabilités et de construction d'identités. Il serait ainsi possible de prétendre que les noirs ont élaboré, à partir des confréries les accueillant dans le Nouveau Monde, des modes alternatifs d'existence en acceptant la religion du maître et en incorporant simultanément les rituels et les symboles culturels mémorisant leur appartenance aux sociétés de provenance. Cette ambiguïté marque probablement ce qui les singularisait en particulier, d'autant plus que pour exister ces associations dépendaient nécessairement de la bénédiction du pouvoir séculier et religieux par la reconnaissance de leurs statuts et de leurs règles. Selon différentes approches, ces aspects sont présentés dans l'étude qui suit sur la fraternité de Notre Dame du Rosaire des Hommes Noirs, située dans la ville de Quixeramobim, dans l'intérieur du Ceará au Brésil, aux alentours de l'année 1755, et accueillant les esclaves issus de la région africaine de l'Angola. L'objet de la recherche, qui ne constitue nullement une revendication, une création ou une assimilation par les membres de cette fraternité au long de son existence presque bicentenaire, problématise la notion de groupe de provenance. C'est à partir de cette problématique que le concept d'identité est ici interrogé. De même, une description ethnographique du processus de constitution et d'organisation de la confrérie est présentée, attentive à ses dimensions diachroniques et synchroniques. Pour cette dernière, le dialogue avec des descendants d'anciens membres de l'organisation de la confrérie a été indispensable, surtout pour recueillir la mémoire du plus important rite de sociabilité de la fraternité : la fête de commémoration de sa patronne Notre Dame du Rosaire. / The brotherhoods of Nossa Senhora do Rosário dos Homens Pretos flourished in Brazil during the slavery period. They were of great interest for African people and their descendants. In spite of being characterized by the imposition of Catholic cults, these lay-led associations revealed as a means for group socialization and identity construction. In this way, such brotherhoods became a space through which black people could produce an alternative form of existence in the world. While at times they were led to accept the religion of their slavery masters, at times they embodied cultural symbols which connected them to the societies from which they had been removed. This ambiguity is perhaps one of the most visible features of this type of brotherhoods. I explore these issues in my study about the brotherhood of Nossa Senhora do Rosário dos Homens Pretos, which was established by slaves of Angolan origin in Quixeramobim, in the back-lands of Ceará, Brazil, around the year of 1755. Throughout the period of two centuries, the idea of Angolan origin has not been claimed as a central idea in the foundation and continuity of this brotherhood. Yet, it emerges in the notion of group of origin. While doing an ethnographic description of the processes involved in the making of this brotherhood, here I also introduce the concept of identity. Through my dialog with the descendants of the old members of this association I attempt to recuperate the memory of its main form of sociability: the feast of Nossa Senhora do Rosário.

Por meio de dois artigos, um de revisão bibliográfica e outro de pesquisa empírica, este trabalho busca examinar os impactos para o Egito, e as repercussões para o Oriente Médio, da ascensão da Irmandade Muçulmana ao poder após a deposição de Hosni Mubarak, ditador egípcio durante três décadas. O caso do Egito é o objeto da pesquisa pois exemplifica de forma cristalina como as aberturas democráticas nos países árabe-muçulmanos representam um enorme desafio para essas sociedades. A atuação da Irmandade Muçulmana em um ambiente de liberdade era aguardada por observadores dentro e fora do Oriente Médio pois, como principal movimento adepto do chamado islã político, seu sucesso ou fracasso poderiam indicar a possibilidade de êxito na construção das democracias locais, uma vez que parece inevitável o islamismo, como sinônimo de islã político, ser o primordial beneficiário da ruína dos regimes despóticos que grassam na região. Como base para esta análise, o primeiro artigo busca, por meio de uma revisão bibliográfica da história e da ideologia da Irmandade Muçulmana, desde sua fundação, em 1928, as explicações para o comportamento do grupo após a queda de Mubarak. O segundo artigo, por sua vez, estuda a conduta da política externa do Egito e reconstrói a forma como a ditadura de Mubarak desempenhava suas relações exteriores, comparando esta com a política externa do Egito durante o governo de Mohamed Morsi, irmão muçulmano eleito presidente do país em junho de 2012. Por fim, o segundo artigo busca entender os impactos provocados pelo período de governo da Irmandade Muçulmana na política externa do Egito na fase seguinte, após a deposição de Morsi (julho de 2013), em que o país passou a ser liderado pelo marechal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, cujas ações na seara internacional são manifestamente tomadas em oposição não apenas à Irmandade Muçulmana, mas a qualquer elemento que possa ser identificado com o islã político. / Through two articles, a literature review and an empirical analysis, this paper seeks to examine the impacts to Egypt, and the implications for the Middle East, of the rise to power of the Muslim Brotherhood after the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak, Egyptian dictator for three decades. The case of Egypt is the object of research because it exemplifies in a crystalline way how the democratic openings in the Arab-Muslim countries represent a huge challenge for these societies. The performance of the Muslim Brotherhood in a freer environment was expected by observers inside and outside the Middle East because, as the main supporter of the movement called political Islam, its success or failure could indicate the possibility of success in the construction of local democracies, since it seems inevitable that Islamism, as synonymous with political Islam, be the primary beneficiary of the ruin of the despotic regimes that are rife in the region. As a basis for this analysis, the first article seeks, through a literature review of the history and ideology of the Muslim Brotherhood, since its founding in 1928, the explanations for the behavior of the group after the fall of Mubarak. The second article, in turn, studies the conduct of foreign policy of Egypt and reconstructs how the dictatorship of Mubarak played its foreign relations, comparing this with the foreign policy of Egypt during the reign of Mohamed Morsi, muslim brother elected president of the country in June 2012. Finally, the second article seeks to understand the impacts caused by the period of government of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt\'s foreign policy in the next stage, after the deposition of Morsi (July 2013), in which the country was led by Marshal Abdel Fattah al-Sissi, whose actions in the international arena are clearly taken in opposition not only to the Muslim Brotherhood, but the elements which can be identified with political Islam.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:37:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Laurimar Gomes da Silva.pdf: 1845900 bytes, checksum: 888a5525c174b307364fd35144c47b68 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-23 / The purpose of this project aims to meet a demand of the Brotherhood of the Rosary of Black Efigênia of Santa Cruz in the Upper town of Ouro Preto in order to build partnerships to preserve and manage the file of the Brotherhood of the Rosary of Black Santa's Efigênia Top of the Cross in the city of Ouro Preto (MG). Founded in 1719, up from the twenty sisterhoods found in the city, the Brotherhood of the Rosary of Black of Santa Cruz's Upper Efigênia emphasizes is to be responsible for the administration of the Baroque church of Santa Efigênia dating site which is associated with the imaginary figures of Chico King, lining slave who became rich, and Efigênia Santa, a black saint, patroness of the slaves who lived on site. The central object of the project management is making means that the Brotherhood by its members and the local community, to keep alive the memory of the existing entity is three hundred years. Through research conducted in primary and secondary sources, found in the cities of Ouro Preto and Mariana in museums, libraries, archives, public and private, were unpublished data on the history of the institution. Accordingly, the design file is presented as a conceptual category which added to the memory and cultural heritage motivated the construction of this project. / A proposta deste projeto visa atender a uma demanda da Irmandade do Rosário dos Pretos de Santa Efigênia do Alto da Cruz na cidade de Ouro Preto (MG), a fim de consolidar parcerias no sentido de preservar e gerir o arquivo. Fundada em 1719, compondo uma das vinte irmandades encontradas na cidade, a Irmandade do Rosário dos Pretos de Santa Efigênia do Alto da Cruz se particulariza por ser a responsável pela administração da igreja barroca de Santa Efigênia, que no imaginário local está associado às figuras de Chico Rei, escravo forro que se tornou rico, de Santa Efigênia, uma santa negra, benfeitora dos escravos que residiam no local. O objeto central do projeto de gestão é condicionar meios para que a irmandade por meio de seus membros, possa manter viva a memória dessa entidade existente há trezentos anos. Por meio de pesquisas realizadas nas cidades de Ouro Preto e Mariana, em museus, bibliotecas e arquivos públicos e privados, foram encontrados dados inéditos sobre a história da instituição. Nesse sentido, a concepção de arquivo se apresentou como uma categoria conceitual que somada a da memória e do patrimônio cultural fundamentou a construção do presente projeto.

The essay aims at presenting how Swedish and Turkish media, in the light of Douglas M. McLeod's "Protest paradigm", covered the victory and defeat of Muslim Brotherhood between June 2012 and July 2013. To achieve this, I have applied discursive text- and semiotic image analysis on eight specific online articles from Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Zaman and Milliyet. The results show that the selected material do not live up to the absolute potential of protest coverage.

Este trabalho tem por objeto de estudo analisar o trabalho infanto-juvenil com foco nos mecanismos jurídicos e nas políticas públicas para a sua erradicação à luz do princípio da fraternidade. Deve-se levar em conta que além da desqualificação profissional ao longo da vida adulta, o trabalho infanto-juvenil também traz implicâncias a educação e a construção da cidadania de crianças e adolescentes, o que também é objeto de estudo desta dissertação. Para tanto, traça-se uma abordagem do contexto histórico e social do trabalho infanto-juvenil. Analisam-se os avanços normativos que visam à proteção contra o trabalho infanto-juvenil, citando-se desde o Peel’s Act, as Convenções n.138, 142 e 182 da OIT, alguns dispositivos do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente e as normas de proteção ao trabalhador menor previstas na Consolidação das Leis Trabalhistas. Além do contexto histórico e do aspecto normativo, este trabalho aborda que a educação terá que ser um meio pelo qual crianças e adolescentes deverão buscar a promoção da cidadania e a qualificação profissional para que ao longo de sua vida adulta possam se inserir no mercado de trabalho através de um trabalho decente, para assim garantirem a sua dignidade e mudarem a própria realidade e a sociedade em que vivem. Por isso, entende-se que é fundamental analisar as implicâncias do trabalho infanto-juvenil a partir do Princípio da Fraternidade. Por fim, este trabalho apontará algumas alternativas, a par das já existentes, que poderão contribuir para a diminuição e erradicação do trabalho infanto-juvenil, que historicamente e atualmente atinge milhões de crianças e adolescentes em todo o Brasil, bem como elencará alguns programas e políticas públicas de qualificação profissional e inserção do adolescente no mercado de trabalho. / and public policies to their eradication in the light of the principle of fraternity. It is needs that besides the disqualification professional throughout adult life, the juvenile work also brings bantering education and the construction of the citizenship of children and adolescents, which is also the object of study of this thesis. For both, it outlines an approach to historical and social context of juvenile work. It analyzes the normative advances which aim to protection against juvenile work, citing since the Peel's Act, the Conventions nº 138, 142 and 182 of the ILO, some devices of the Child and Adolescent Statute and the rules of protection to the worker less provided for in the Consolidation of Labor Laws. In addition to the historical context and the normative aspect, this work discusses that education will have to be a means by which children and adolescents should seek the promotion of citizenship and professional qualification for that along their adult life can enter into the labor market through a decent work, thus to ensure their dignity and change the reality itself and the society in which they live. Therefore, it is understood that it is fundamental to analyze the bantering juvenile work from the principle of brotherhood. Finally, this work will appoint some alternatives, alongside the already existing, which could contribute to the reduction and eradication of working children and adolescents, which historically and currently affects millions of children and adolescents in the whole of Brazil, as well as will indecate some programs and public politics of professional qualification and adolescent's insertion in the job market.

A tese aborda a expansão da Sociedade dos Irmãos Muçulmanos (SIM) no Egito de 1936 a 1949, investigando as dinâmicas externas entendidas como fatores exógenos à organização que contribuíram para seu crescimento. A partir da análise de documentos secretos de autoridades diplomáticas britânicas, cujo acesso foi aberto recentemente no National Archives, em Londres, foram reunidas informações sobre o contexto político e social do período. Detalhes da estratégia de alianças com atores poderosos, das cisões e aproximações entre forças dominantes na política egípcia e da ingerência britânica em assuntos locais são explorados para elucidar a trajetória da SIM / This thesis discusses the expansion of the Society of the Muslim Brothers (SMB) of Egypt from 1936 to 1949, investigating factors external to the organization that contributed to its difusion. Information about the social and political context of the period was gathered from documents of British diplomatic authorities whose access to the public was recently opened at the National Archives in London. Details of strategic alliances with powerful actors, cleavages among dominant forces in Egyptian politics and British involvement in local issues are explored to elucidate SMB trajectory

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-05T11:46:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Mariana Nastari Siqueira.pdf: 1735856 bytes, checksum: e7b97bc10e0fd227a0a067164b08d073 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-05T11:46:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Mariana Nastari Siqueira.pdf: 1735856 bytes, checksum: e7b97bc10e0fd227a0a067164b08d073 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-09 / Decanato de Pesquisa e P?s-Gradua??o-UFRRJ / The present study attempts to address the conflict between the Brotherhood of St. Crispim and St. Crispiniano and the Chamber of Rio de Janeiro between 1764 and 1821, during which we could verify the aforementioned conflict. This conflict revolved around the street shoe trade, which sought to prohibit the brotherhood. Within this context, we seek to address such a fellowship as a brotherhood of office, wich had the organizational model of the mechanical crafts of the Kingdom as a parameter, but it was so specific, as long as it were part of a slave society. On the other hand, the period in discussion is highlighted, drawing attention to the continuities and discontinuities that was contained in it. Thus, there is the commitment of these shoemakers confreres in maintaining an institution that forged a monopolistic structure to a certain sector of the retail trade, this institution which found its legitimacy as a reference an array of Iberian corporatism. Thus, referring to the values and codes of the Ancient Regime, as a commitment to dissociate his office of the slavery, or as trying to keep "black lining" and "free mulatto" under their control, defining hierarchical gradations leading into account the criterion of color. At the same time, major changes were underway in the Portuguese Empire and the city of Rio de Janeiro, whether political, administrative, social, cultural, or in the framework of ideas (the Enlightenment, liberalism). Thus, in the twenties of the nineteenth century, the council members had become more firmly against the intention of St. Crispin?s cobblers in the prohibition of the trade in footwear through the streets of the city, which points to the adaptation and dissemination of the liberal ideas within the court itself and among the elite that made up the City Council, despite the social principles in hierarchies make sense also for this social segment. To the brothers of the Brotherhood of St. Crispim and St. Crispiniano, they only had to fight within the legal and institutional mechanisms that shaped itself to new times, but still had a strong element of continuity with the values and practices of the Ancient Regime, reported by Portugal. / O presente trabalho busca abordar o conflito entre a Irmandade de S. Crispim e S. Crispiniano e a C?mara do Rio de Janeiro, entre 1764 e 1821, per?odo em que se p?de verificar o mencionado conflito. O mesmo girava em torno do com?rcio ambulante de cal?ados, o qual a irmandade buscava proibir. Dentro deste contexto, procura-se abordar a referida irmandade como uma irmandade de of?cio, que tinha o modelo de organiza??o dos of?cios mec?nicos do Reino como par?metro, mas que se constituiu de forma espec?fica, j? que se inseria numa sociedade escravista. Por outro lado, destaca-se o per?odo abordado, chamando aten??o para as continuidades e descontinuidades que o mesmo comportava. Sendo assim, verifica-se o empenho desses confrades sapateiros na manuten??o de uma institui??o que forjava uma estrutura monopolista para determinado setor do com?rcio a varejo, institui??o esta que encontrava sua legitimidade tendo como refer?ncia uma matriz do corporativismo ib?rico. Desta maneira, remetiam-se a valores e c?digos de Antigo Regime, fosse no empenho em dissociarem o seu of?cio em rela??o ? escravid?o, fosse na tentativa de manterem ?pretos forros? e ?pardos livres? sob seu controle, definindo grada??es hier?rquicas que levavam em conta o crit?rio da cor. Ao mesmo tempo, mudan?as importantes encontravam-se em curso no ?mbito do Imp?rio Portugu?s e da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, fossem elas no campo pol?tico, administrativo, social, cultural, ou no campo das ideias (iluminismo, liberalismo). Assim, na d?cada de vinte do s?culo XIX, os vereadores apresentavam-se mais firmemente contra a inten??o dos sapateiros de S. Crispim em proibir o com?rcio de cal?ados pelas ruas da cidade, o que apontava para a dissemina??o e adapta??o das ideias liberais no seio da pr?pria corte e entre a elite que compunha a C?mara, n?o obstante os princ?pios sociais hierarquizantes fizessem sentido, igualmente, para este segmento social. Aos confrades da Irmandade de S. Crispim e S. Crispiniano, restava lutar no interior dos mecanismos legais e institucionais que se moldavam a novos tempos, mas que ainda guardavam uma forte componente de continuidade em rela??o aos valores e pr?ticas de Antigo Regime, comunicados por Portugal