Le Bayefallisme est une branche à l'intérieur de la voie soufie de Mouridiyya qui met de l'avant l'importance du travail pour les autres. Les disciples Baye Fall sont majoritairement sénégalais et renégocient leur rapport aux pratiques islamiques telles que la prière rituelle et le jeune. À l’instar de Pézeril (2008), l’enjeu de notre enquête ethnographique est de « comprendre » les Baye Fall. Notre recherche vise à mettre en lumière leurs expériences religieuses à l'aide d'une méthodologie d'observation participante qui tient compte de la présence du chercheur sur le terrain (Turner, 2000) et accorde donc une place importante à la réflexivité (Fabian, 2001). Nous avons remarqué que la majorité de nos informateurs ne déclaraient pas clairement : « Je suis Baye Fall », mais plutôt : « Je veux être Baye Fall ». Cette posture, que nous qualifierons de bayefallisante, nous a tout d’abord semblé problématique pour ensuite devenir notre porte d'entrée. La littérature sur les trajectoires religieuses a déjà démontré qu'elles ne sont pas linéaires, mais remplies d’ambivalences et de contradictions. Pour Schielke (2009) et de Koning (2013), ces contradictions sont induites par les ruptures inhérentes au quotidien en contexte de globalisation. Notre objectif est de démontrer que ces ambiguïtés peuvent également être créées par la qualité intersubjective et réflexive de l'expérience religieuse.Alors que les Baye Fall ont été ethnographiés surtout au Sénégal (Audrain, 2004; Pézeril, 2008; Morris, 2014), notre recherche a l'originalité de rendre compte d’un phénomène de bayefallisation des disciples mourides dans le contexte montréalais. / Bayefallism is a sub-group of the Mouride brotherhood that emphasizes hard work and dedication. Baye Fall disciples are mostly Senegalese and they challenge well-known precepts of Islam such as those prescribing daily prayers and fasting. Like Pézeril (2008), I aim at a better “understanding” of the Baye Fall in this study. My research aims to shed light on their religious experience through a methodology of participant observation where the presence of the ethnographer (Turner, 2000) is taken into account and that gives an important place to reflexivity (Fabian, 2001). Most of my informants did not say “I am Baye Fall”; rather they said, “I would like be Baye Fall.” Initially, I saw this as a problem but it soon became the starting point of my research. The literature on religious trajectories has shown that such trajectories are not linear but charged with ambivalence and contradictions. For authors such as Schielke (2009) and de Koning (2013), these contradictions are engendered by certain ruptures that are part of daily life in a globalized context. In my study, I seek to demonstrate that these ambiguities can also be an integral part of of an intersubjective, reflexive religious experience. While ethnographies of Baye Fall have been mainly carried out in Senegal (Audrain, 2004; Pézeril, 2008; Morris, 2014), the originality of this research lies in the fact that it examines the phenomenon of Bayefallism in the context of Montreal.

Les historiens ont eu tendance à effacer les femmes de leurs écrits lorsqu’il était question des élites de la Nouvelle-France ; ce concept a longtemps été associé au monde masculin. Le choix d’exclure la gent féminine n’est pas surprenant lorsque l’on sait que les définitions rattachées à l’élite proviennent principalement de la profession, ainsi que de la place occupée par les gens dans les institutions ou dans les structures de pouvoir. À cette époque, la majorité des femmes n’occupaient aucune fonction décisionnelle ; elles étaient maintenues, ‘’grâce’’ au patriarcat, dans la sphère domestique. Malgré ces constats, ce mémoire s’intéresse tout de même à la pertinence d’une définition de l’élite au féminin. Nous essayons donc de démontrer que les femmes en Nouvelle-France avaient aussi des lieux de rassemblement élitaire. Pour y parvenir, nous étudions le parcours des principales officières de la confrérie des Dames de la Sainte-Famille (Montréal) entre 1724 et 1760. Afin de connaître leur statut socio-économique, ce mémoire s’emploie à relever divers éléments caractéristiques : statut socio-professionnel de leur père et de leurs maris, les montants des douaires et des préciputs dans leurs contrats de mariage, l’âge au premier mariage, le nombre de naissances ainsi que la mortalité infantile. Ces divers indicateurs révèlent que la majorité de ces dames provenaient effectivement d’un milieu élitaire. Pour consolider cette conclusion, ce mémoire analyse ensuite le comportement de ces femmes en lien avec une des caractéristiques propres aux élites soit le réseautage. Il s’intéresse particulièrement à la pratique du marrainage ; qui sont les parrains et marraines des officières, qui sont les marraines de leurs enfants et de qui elles sont les marraines. Cette dernière partie du mémoire vient à son tour confirmer la dimension élitaire des officières de la Sainte-Famille. / When it was about of New France's elitism, historians have tended to erase the women from their writings; this concept has long been associated with the male world. The decision to exclude the feminine gent is not surprising when we know that the definitions attached to the elitism, primarily come from the profession as well as the places of people in the institutions or in the structures of power. At that time, most of women haven't held a decisional function; they were maintained, ''thanks'' to patriarchy in the domestic sphere. Despite these findings, the memory is still interested in the relevance of a feminine elite definition. So, we try to show that women in New France also had elite gathering places. To achieve this, we study the journey of the main Officers of the Holy Family Ladies’s brotherhood (Montreal) between 1724 and 1760. In order to know their socio-economic status, this memory is used to know some characteristic elements: the socio-professional status of their fathers and husbands, the amounts of dowries and préciputs in their marriage contracts, the age at first marriage, the births and the infant mortality. These varied indicators show that actually the majority of these ladies came from an elitist environment. To consolidate this conclusion, the memory analyzes the behavior of these women in connection with the distinct characteristic of elites : the networking. Networking is particularly interested in the practice of godmothering ; who are the Officers' sponsors, who are the godmother of their children and from whom are they the godmothers. This last part of memory come to confirm the elitist dimension of Officers of the Holy Family.

La thèse analyse la trajectoire de développement du Sénégal, parti d’une situation favorable avec de nombreux atouts pour se développer en 1960, à la quasi-faillite du pays en 1974. Cette analyse est menée sous l’angle des relations économiques et financières entre le Sénégal et la France, de 1960 à 1974. La démarche consiste à partir du concept de développement qui définit la coopération entre les deux pays, pour mesurer, décrire et évaluer son impact sur les politiques successives de développement, la structure de l’économie et le fonctionnement des institutions du Sénégal. Sans prétendre à l’exhaustivité, l’objectif principal consiste à tenter d’expliquer cette trajectoire de développement du pays et d’apprécier la part de responsabilité des acteurs publics et privés des deux pays. / This thesis provides an analysis of Senegal’s development trajectory from 1960 to 1974. At independence the country was in a favourable position with many assets to strengthen its development: industries, infrastructures and many famous intellectuals. However, in 1974, Senegal was in decline and facing bankruptcy. This analysis is conducted using a framework of economic and financial relations between Senegal and France from 1960 to 1974. The approach is based on the concept of development, which defines the cooperation between both countries. It aims to measure, describe, and assess its impact on the successive development policies, on Senegalese economic structures and the functioning of institutions. Without pretending to be exhaustive, the main aim is to try to explain this country’s development trajectory and appreciate the responsibility of public and private actors in both countries.

Depuis la création des Sœurs Musulmanes, le chapitre féminin des Frères Musulmans en Égypte, le rôle que l’organisation a accordé aux femmes a changé plusieurs fois. Pendant certaines périodes, les militantes ont été inclues dans les activités politiques de l’organisation, alors que pendant d’autres périodes, elles étaient forcées de s’occuper de différentes activités d’aide sociale au près de la population. Ce mémoire essaie d’expliquer les raisons qui expliquent les différents changements dans le niveau d’inclusion ou d’exclusion des militantes dans les Frères Musulmans. Cette étude utilise trois périodes pour illustrer ces différents changements : 1952-1967 (inclusion), 1970-1984 (exclusion) and 1984-2005 (inclusion). Cette recherche conclue que, pendant des périodes où la survie des Frères Musulmans est remise en question, l’organisation sera forcée d’inclure les militantes dans leurs activités. Chaque changement dans l’inclusion des femmes est aussi marqué par un changement du contexte politique et des relations avec le gouvernement. Ces changements ne sont donc pas des produits de changement idéologique de l’organisation, mais plutôt causés par des raisons rationnelles. / Since the creation of the Muslim Sisters, the female chapter of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the role that the organization gave women has been shifting. At times, female militants were included within the political activities of the organization, while during others; they were relegated to a role of care provider in various charity tasks. The thesis at hand attempts to explain the causes for those shifts in the level of inclusion and exclusion of female militants within the Muslim Brotherhood. For that purpose, this study will tackle three different periods: 1952-1967 (inclusion), 1970-1984 (exclusion) and 1984-2005 (inclusion). The research concludes that in periods where the survival of the Muslim Brotherhood is at risk, they will be forced to include female militants in their activities. Each change in the inclusion of women is also marked by a change in the political context and the relations with the government. Therefore these changes, rather than being ideological changes, are caused by rational concerns of the Muslim Brotherhood.

La mise en couleur de l’intérieur d’une église parachève sa construction. Simples badigeons, décors géométriques, rehauts rythmant l’architecture ou programmes iconographiques, cette mise en couleur est appelée à des modifications au fil du temps. La recherche porte sur les petites églises rurales de l’Île-de-France, moins étudiées que celles des villes. Elles sont souvent remarquables par la multiplicité des campagnes de construction encore lisibles dans leurs murs. La mise en couleur des églises suit, en particulier, cette évolution. L’étude du bâti permet d’avoir une chronologie fine qui introduit à l’analyse de la mise en couleur et les modifications de celle-ci au cours des siècles. Une recherche de type historique aussi précise que possible cherche à mettre en évidence les probables commanditaires des œuvres. Les similitudes ou différences dans les techniques, couleurs, types de décor et choix iconographiques analysés dans quelques dizaines d’édifices permettent de saisir les variations sur la longue durée, notamment entre le Moyen Âge "classique" (XIIe et XIIIe siècles), et la fin du Moyen Âge (mi XVe - mi XVIe siècle). Par ailleurs, chaque partie de l’église a une fonction bien précise, et l’on s’attachera à montrer les rapports entre les peintures, leur emplacement dans l’édifice et leurs commanditaires. Au final, il s’agit de mettre en évidence les multiples choix opérés dans des paroisses rurales, et de saisir leurs particularités, pour autant qu’il y en ait, par rapport à celles d’autres régions françaises ou de milieux urbains proches. / The colour setting of the church interior completes its building. Distempers, geometrical decorations, highlights putting rythm into the architecture or iconographic programs, this colour setting is doomed to be altered over time. The research focuses on small rural churches of Ile-de-France, less studied than those of towns. They are often remarkable by their multiple building campaigns still to be observed in their walls. Notably, the colour setting of the churches is following this evolution. Study of the building allows getting a finer chronology which introduces to colour setting’s analysis and its evolution throughout centuries. A historical research, as accurate as it can be, tries to highlight the possible sponsors of the painting. The similarities and differences in techniques, colours, kinds of decoration, and iconographic choices among a number of churches allows to capture changes on the long run, particularly between "classic" Middle Ages (XIIth and XIIIth centuries) and the end of Middle Ages (half XVth – halph XVIth century). Moreover, each part of a church has a very specific function to fulfill and we shall attempt to show relationships between paintings, their location in the building and their sponsors. Finally, we shall try to identify the multiple choices made within the rural churches, and to understand their differences, should there be any compared to other regions of France or neighboring towns.

The Islamist movements operate in all the countries of the Middle East and North Africa region. The mother organization, which is also best-known among the movements, is the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, whose ideas spread quickly into other countries in the region. Although the Islamist movements are ideologically different, they have one similar attribute - focus on various social issues as well as the fact that they originally profiled as charity organizations and they have only recently entered the political scene. The main goal of this diploma thesis is to analyze and compare the activities and achievements of the Muslim Brotherhood (The Freedom and Justice party) and The Movement of Islamic Tendency (The Ennadhda party) within the political systems in Egypt and Tunisia. The thesis also aims at verifying explanatory cleavage of Islamist electorate based on the cleavage theory within Egypt and Tunisia. The biggest success of the Islamist movements so far meant the changes after the Arab Spring. Following this event the Islamist movements won the first free parliamentary election in both countries. However, the political activities of the Muslim Brotherhood did not last so long in Egypt - nowadays the movement exists only illegally and it has been in a difficult position. On the contrary, the...

Since 1976, Syria has suffered two separate but in nature similar rebellions which was different in terms of spreading, impact and size. The existing literature fails to compare these rebellions and answer the question on how two similar uprising can produce different outcomes. The objective of this study is to answer that question and produce a foundation that is usable when studying future uprisings in the Middle East and Syria. This is a qualitative research that uses multiple case studies that are compared in order to fulfil the objective of this study. The research if a desk study and uses an abductive approach. Two different theoretical concepts have been used in order to understand the dynamics that shaped the two rebellions. These are Frank H. Zimmerman's theory on why insurgencies fail and Frederick D. Miller's model of movement decline. The authors pinpoint different factors that makes a uprising prone to failure or success and these factors has been used as a lens when analysing the findings of this essay. The findings of this essay suggest that key differences that made an impact on the conflicts where the amount of local support, external support and the role of social media. In order to fully understand the dynamics that shapes modern rebellions, further research on the role of globalisation and social media is conflict must be conducted.

Studiens huvudsakliga syfte var att undersöka och förklara begreppen ”jihad” och "heligt krig" och svara på ifall dessa begrepp kunde användas för att rättfärdiga terrorism, samt förklara den politiska islam, al-Qaida och det Muslimska Brödraskapets kopplingar till terrorism idag. Undersökningen gjordes med hjälp av kvantitativa metoder och framförallt genom litteraturstudier. Resultatet visade att det inte finns någon definitiv förklaring till begreppet jihad, utan det finns åtminstone två sätt att tolka det på, samt att våld genom jihad kan rättfärdigas genom att tolka och ta koranverser ur sin kontext.

The dissertation documented the degree of Turkey’s involvement in the promotion of democracy in the Arab Middle East (ME). Initially, I investigated why and under what conditions Turkey promotes democracy in the ME, and then I explained strategies through which Turkey promotes democracy in the region. I applied the neo-classical realist theoretical framework and a mixed methodology in the research, and I provided evidence from two sources: face-to-face interviews with the Turkish and foreign officials and common citizens, and the statistical data from institutions, such as the OECD, Turkish Statistical Institute, and World Bank. My research indicates that Turkey promotes democracy through seven channels. These channels are official development assistance (ODA), mentoring, demonstrative effect, normative pressure, conditionality, military power, enlargement, and civil society organizations. Turkey promotes democracy in the ME for three substantial reasons: first, to advance its security and economic interests; second, to improve the political, social, and economic conditions of people living in the region; and third, to create long-term regional stability, crucial for cooperation in economic and security realms. I attempted to engage in debates with two distinct, but interrelated fields of comparative politics and international relations. My most important contribution to the field is that I documented Turkey’s case of democracy promotion regarding the degree of Turkey’s involvement in this endeavor, its strategies, specificities, and effectiveness in the region. I also contribute to the field as I explained the difference between democracy promotion policies of a regional power, such as Turkey, and global powers, such as the US. I further engaged in discussions that illuminate some aspects of the interplay between the identity and strategic interests in states’ foreign policy decisions.

ABSTRACT Essay in Political Science, Advanced Continuation Course, 61-80 credits, by Jonas Nilsson ”The democratic islamist? - a study of three islamist movements and their potential role in a democratization process” Supervisor: Jonas Linde The purpose of this work has been to explain to what extent islamist movements can be said to be bearers of democratic values and if they have a role to play in future democratization processes. The purpose of this work is also to examine the democratic views of the different islamist movements and to compare them with each other in an effort to find a specific islamist definition of democracy. The essay is a qualitative analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Front Islamique du Salut in Algeria and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The analytical framework is based on the political institutions included in Robert A. Dahl polyarchial democracy. The institutions provided by the polyarchial model is used to define the islamist movements stand on democracy which is defined by three different standpoints. The movements can either accept, decline or modify the various institutions and the results from the analysis helps us to evaluate the future role of islamist movements in the democratization process. The results also provides the opportunity to define a version of democracy specific for the islamist movements. The conclusion I have made is that the islamist movements included in the study have a part to play in a future democratization process. They have shown that their commitment to the democratic ideals defined by Dahl is quite extensive and that they as separate movements have developed a more advanced view of the relationship between islam and democracy as a social order. Though democratic at first glance there are signs that the islamists standpoint on democracy comes with certain reservations. The most significant of these reservarvations is the islamists regard of islam as an overarching ideology and the subordinate role of man made political systems such as democracy. However, the islamists have found ways to handle this problem and points out the inherent democratic values in islam and thereby tries to circumvent the problematic relationship between democracy and religion. The study also concludes that we can define the islamist version of democracy as a specific form of democracy, a value-based participatory democracy. This conclusion is based on the islamist emphasis on the importance of ethics, decency and virtue in a society, at the same time as they also emphasize the need for legitimacy provided by the people through free, fair and frequent elections.