Ce mémoire de maîtrise analyse les liens entre les premiers procès militaires alliés en Allemagne occupée et l’opinion publique allemande dans l’après-guerre immédiat. Notre mémoire de maîtrise, à travers la présentation de l’analyse du procès de Belsen, organisé par les forces d’occupation britanniques de septembre à novembre 1945, et du procès de Dachau, tenu par le gouvernement militaire américain entre novembre et décembre 1945, cherche à mettre en lumière l’importance que ces derniers revêtaient dans l’établissement de relations cordiales entre occupants et occupés. Ce mémoire démontre donc, par les exemples de Belsen et Dachau, que les procès se situaient à la croisée entre le besoin des Alliés d’établir des relations positives avec les Allemands et leurs programmes de dénazification et de rééducation. Nous remarquons ainsi que, des premières étapes dans l’organisation de ces tribunaux jusqu’à leur achèvement, les Alliés ont pris en considération les différentes réactions des Allemands face aux procédures judiciaires : d’abord, avec l’ancrage des accusations et des procédures judiciaires dans une législation internationale qui précédait le début de la guerre, puis avec l’autorisation d’une défense pour les accusés qui permettait aux Alliés de revendiquer une autorité morale sur leur zone d’occupation. Ce mémoire de maîtrise, en plus d’examiner les procès d’après-guerre et leurs objectifs, propose également une analyse de la couverture journalistique de ces tribunaux et des sondages d’opinion publique menés après les procédures judiciaires. Notre étude établit ainsi que la couverture journalistique des procès était, souvent, une des premières fois où les Allemands se trouvaient confrontés aux atrocités commises dans les camps de concentration nazis. Finalement, avec l’analyse des sondages d’opinion publique, nous argumentons que les procès, en tant qu’outil politique, ont eu un succès mitigé dans l’établissement de relations positives entre les forces d’occupation britanniques et américaines et les Allemands. / This masters’ thesis analyses the connections between the first allied military trials held in postwar Germany and German public opinion toward the British and American occupation forces. Focused on the Belsen trial, held in the British occupation zone from September to November 1945, and the Dachau trial, held by the American military government in the U.S. occupation zone between November and December 1945, this study seeks to highlight the importance both trials held for the British and the Americans in establishing positive relations with the Germans. Using Belsen and Dachau as case studies, it argues that, while they were essential to British and American denazification and re-education programs, they also had to be conducted in a manner that ensured the best possible relationship the German public and the occupation forces in both the American and British occupation zones. I demonstrate that, from the initial steps implemented to set up the trials through their conclusion, both powers took German concerns and reactions to the judiciary procedures into account: first by anchoring the charges and the trials themselves in international law preceding the Second World War; then by providing the right to a defense to the accused. Both factors, the Allies believed, allowed them to claim a moral authority over their occupation zone. The memoir’s examination of the trials and their purpose is complimented by an analysis of the press coverage of the trials and public opinion surveys taken after the trials. This study states that the press coverage was oftentimes one the first instances in which Germans were confronted to the atrocities committed in the concentration camps. Finally, this study argues that, as a part of larger programs, the trials had a limited success as a tool to implement positive relations between the British and American occupation forces and the German population.

This thesis attempts to reconcile the ‘two Rwandas’ which dominate contemporary scholarship, and seem on first glance utterly incommensurable: the inspirational developmental donor darling, and the brutal police state ruled by a shadowy ethnic clique. It argues both sides capture something, but fail to give a fair assessment of the mercurial system of political order constructed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) following the Genocide of 1994. This system is a durably strong state with exceptionally high levels of societal penetration capable of delivering order and other public goods, with a ruling party in a hegemonic position with a degree of medium-term stability, despite (and because of) its illiberal repressive character. Such a system is only possible because of the extremely unusual sociology of the RPF itself, forged in the refugee camps of Uganda and the Ugandan Bush War, and the structural constraints on rule within Rwanda. With these resources, the RPF has successfully made the transition from guerilla movement to hegemonic civilian political party, created bureaucratic institutions of government which penetrate to the lowest level, and hugely profitable ‘party-statals’ which co-exist alongside functioning competitive markets. Such successes are not disconnected from the violence, repression, and extra-judicial coercion which remain crucial to the regime. Analyses which think the positive aspects of Rwanda’s current ‘miracle’ can be mimicked without the accompanying domination and autocracy are engaging in wishful thinking. Crucially, given how distinctive the enabling conditions for Rwanda’s current political dispensation are, the extent to which Rwanda can be a policy exemplar or ‘best-practice’ for other African states to follow is in any case seriously overstated.

This thesis makes two related arguments regarding the academic field of migration and refugee studies (MARS) and the control of migration by UK state agencies. The first, and more empirical one, is that the former facilitated the latter: the field’s members provided symbolic, technical, and pedagogic assistance to two non-departmental public bodies in controlling migration. The second, and more theoretical, argument of this thesis is that MARS facilitated migration control because of culture, power, and structure. It is through the field’s implication in the coercion of its human subjects by UK state agencies that MARS academics a) answered their calling, b) assisted class rule as ideologists, and c) separated sacred and profane by policing endogamy. The introduction describes the existing literature on the relationship between MARS and migration control. The consensus is that the former facilitated the latter. However, these studies fail to provide detailed accounts of the ways in which it did so. Chapter One defines the elements of my more empirical argument: MARS and migration control. An historical narrative outlines the institutional development of the field since its beginnings in the early 1980s. Then a new model for understanding migration control – i.e., migrant CODAR – is described. Chapter Two uses this model to trace the actor network through which MARS academics facilitated the restriction of their human subjects’ mobility by the UK state agencies of the Advisory Panel on Country Information and the Migration Advisory Committee. Chapters Three, Four, and Five use Weberian, Marxist, and Durkheimian anthropological approaches (respectively) to explain the implication of MARS and migration control that is described in Chapters One and Two. Finally, the conclusion of the thesis discusses its contributions to both more particular (i.e., the literature surveyed in the introduction on MARS and migration control) and more general (i.e., anthropology) scholarly fields.

Programs that engage middle students in participatory, real-world, and hands-on field based instruction can be a powerful asset to the educational experiences for students; motivating and inspiring some to appreciate and value school in a different way. Overnight environmental science programs have a unique opportunity to support students by creating experiences where students can participate in learning in vastly different ways from what they may engage with in the traditional 4-walled classroom, while concurrently developing a relationship with the natural world. Decreasing educational budgets and increased need to substantiate educational programs in terms of their impact on students has added pressure for overnight environmental science programs to validate their impact through quantitative means. Utilizing overnight environmental science education program attendance records and merging them with school district data relating to attendance, this study investigates the impact of one such overnight environmental science program on students' attendance rate change. Analyzing the secondary data using multiple linear regressions modeling, researchers explored how the overnight environmental program impacted student attendance rate change and how it varied by demographic characteristics to understand if and how the program addresses school district and educational policy reform targets.

This thesis challenges the prevailing academic and journalistic consensus that ASEAN states, bound by a cast-iron norm of non-interference, do not intervene in other states’ internal affairs. It argues that ASEAN states have frequently engaged in acts of intervention, often with very serious, negative consequences. Using methods of critical historical sociology, the thesis reconstructs the history of ASEAN’s non-interference principle and interventions from ASEAN’s inception onwards, drawing on sources including ASEAN and UN documents, US and UK archives, and policymaker interviews. It focuses especially on three case studies: East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar. The thesis argues that both the emergence of ideologies of non-intervention and their violation can be explained by the social conflicts animating state policies. Non-interference was developed by embattled, authoritarian, capitalist elites in an attempt to bolster their defence of capitalist social order from radical challenges. Where adherence to non-intervention failed to serve this purpose, it was discarded or manipulated to permit cross-border ‘containment’ operations. After communism was defeated in the ASEAN states, foreign policy continued to promote the interests of dominant, state-linked business groups and oligarchic factions. Non-interference shifted to defend domestic power structures from the West’s liberalising agenda. However, ASEAN elites continued meddling in neighbouring states even as containment operations were discarded. This contributed to the collapse of Cambodia’s ruling coalition in 1997, and ASEAN subsequently intervened to restore it. The 1997 Asian financial crisis dealt a crippling blow to ASEAN. To contain domestic unrest in Indonesia, core ASEAN states joined a humanitarian intervention in East Timor in 1999. In the decade since, non-interference has been progressively weakened as the core members struggle to regain domestic legitimacy and lost international political and economic space. This is expressed most clearly in ASEAN’s attempts to insert itself into Myanmar’s democratisation process after decades of failed ‘constructive engagement’.

"The problem investigated in this thesis is that of determining the impact of the disestablishment of Camp Edward Gary on the economy of the city of San Marcos, Texas...it is anticipated that this study may contribute two additional outcomes of value: the first is a test of certain ideas in economic theory pertaining to recessions; and the second is an evaluation of the data pertaining to the economy of small communities...the data presented in Chapter II and the summarization of that information in Chapter III lead to the inevitable conclusion that the deactivation of Camp Edward Gary caused a recession in the City of San Marcos, Texas, which was shared in varying degree by virtually every element of the economy...it is further concluded that the impact of the loss of the military community was modified to some degree by the beneficial effects of the growth in its educational institutions and the fact that the loss was shared, although in a lesser degree, by other communities in the general area." --leaves 4, 5, 79

Internally Displaced Persons ('IDPs') outnumber refugees by two to one and often have the same fears, needs and wants as refugees recognised as such under international law. However, refugee status entails international protection, while IDPs are left to the protection of their own state, which may, but by no means necessarily, be the very entity that has forced them to flee in the first place. In recent years, there have been significant developments in the realm of IDP protection. This includes the conclusion of two regional treaties on the protection of IDPs, the development of relevant soft law instruments, and the reformed 'Cluster Approach' of humanitarian response. Although the increased focus on IDP protection is a welcome development, the UNHCR has expressed the fear that 'activities for the internally displaced may be (mis)interpreted as obviating the need for international protection and asylum.' This thesis represents the first legal analysis of the relationship between the protection of IDPs and International Refugee Law. It will discuss five key challenges in this respect. First, the challenge of drawing the attention of the international community to the plight of IDPs; second, the challenge of developing an appropriate framework for the protection of IDPs; third, the challenge of ensuring that internal protection is not interpreted as a substitute for asylum; fourth; the challenge of determining the relationship between complementary protection and internal displacement; and fifth, the challenge of ensuring that IDP protection in an inter-agency context does not trigger the application of Article 1D of the Refugee Convention, rendering the Convention inapplicable to the recipients of that protection. This thesis will conclude by setting out the future challenges in the relationship between IDP protection and International Refugee Law, by identifying questions left open for further research, and by illustrating the overall impact and importance of this thesis' findings.

The theme and primary purpose of this thesis is illustration everyday life in the concentration camp Buchenwald. Buchenwald was a concentration camp where the Nazis imprisoned a lagre number of citizens of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The thesis will primary consist of three categories. First of all it is the issue of "the space", in which will be incorporated a brief outline of the development of concentration camps in Germany before the war, the function of administrative, technical and military buildings of SS units. Another theme of the thesis points to the physical labor of prisoners, which was daily content during their stay in a concentration camp. The purpose of their work should lead to rapid death with the lowest cost of their meals. In favor of or against the prisoners decided ideological-political, and economic aspects of the later mode. The concept of work in the Nazi concentration camps in successive years significantly changed, which were causing the preparations for war and the later development of the war conflict itself. The third theme contents the social relations and cultural life of the prisoners, which refer to the human adaptability in these inhuman conditions. In an effort to describe social days coexistence in this concentration camp is put emphasis on the...

Ce travail part d'une interrogation : comment expliquer ce qu'est un camp de concentration nazi sans prendre en compte un de ces constituants, la pierre. Sans oublier pour cela l'Homme, la présente recherche s'est attachée à définir le camp de concentration comme espace architectural à travers l'étude de six camps : Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Auschwitz I et le camp de Natzweiler. Trois axes d'analyses furent choisis : le lieu, les formes et les matériaux employés dans le but de mettre en lumière une éventuelle continuité architecturale. A partir du constat qu'il existait bien une architecture véritable, l'auteur s'est demandé dans une dernière partie si des liens avec l'idéologie national-socialiste étaient possibles, comme cela est le cas avec l'architecture officielle du Troisième Reich. C'est ainsi qu'à partir des données collectées furent adjointes trois spécificités à l'architecture concentrationnaire : le camp de concentration nazi peut être perçu comme une cité idéale national-socialiste, une mise en place architectonique du Führerprinzip et le reflet de la Blut-und- Boden Doktrin. / This work is based on a questioning : how to explain what a nazi concentration camp is without taking into account one of its components, i.e. stone. Without overlooking the human dimension for all that, the following research aims at giving a definition of the concentration camp as an architectural space through the analysis of 6 camps : Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Auschwitz I and the Natzweiler concentration camp. Three main lines were chosen : the sites, the shapes and building materials, with a view to bringing into light a possible architectural continuity. Once the existence of an architectural structure was established, the author finally wondered whether links with the national-socialist ideology did exist as it is the case with the official architecture of the Third Reich. Thus, thanks to the collected data, three specificities of concentration camps architecture were added : the nazi concentration camp can be seen as a national-socialist perfect city, as the architectonical setting up of the Führerprinzip and as the reflection of the Blood and Soil ideology. / Die folgende Arbeit erwächst aus einer Fragestellung : Wie lässt sich ein Konzentrationslager erklären, ohne eines seiner Bestandteile - den Stein - in Betracht zu ziehen ? Ohne den Menschen außer Betracht zu lassen, hat sich die vorliegende Studie bemüht, ein Konzentrationslager als einen architektonischen Raum zu definieren. Es werden sechs Konzentrationslager analysiert : Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Auschwitz I und das KZ Natzweiler. Es werden drei Blickrichtungen gewählt : der Ort, die Formen und die verwendeten Materialien, um herauszufinden, ob es etwa eine architektonische Kontinuität gibt. Ausgehend von der Feststellung, dass tatsächlich von einer bestimmten Architektur die Rede sein konnte, hat sich der Autor in einem letzten Teil gefragt, ob Beziehungen mit der NS-Ideologie möglich waren - wie es eben der Fall bei der offiziellen Architektur des Dritten Reiches ist. Auf diese Weise wurden mit den vom Verfasser gesammelten Daten den Konzentrationslagern drei Eigenschaften zugeschrieben : das NS-Konzentrationslager kann als eine ideale NS-Stadt, als die architektonische Verwirklichung des Führerprinzips und als die Wiederspiegelung der Blut-und-Boden Doktrin betrachtet werden.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Salvador Tavares de Moura.pdf: 942500 bytes, checksum: 3362699397240f73a7bec3ad9ab95020 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-06-20 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This paper is proposed to discuss the relations of work and the living conditions of workers in the gold mining camps of Serra Pelada, in southeastern Pará, from the memory of the mining's workers. Thus, from the experiences, we can understand the workers in their relationship with the authorities and with the different workers. This reflection allows questioning the past and confronts the different memories of the mining's workers with each other, and with the authoritarian practices of the military regime in the administration of gold mining camps in the years 1980. In this process, the struggle for land indicates how the memory is an argument and builds the place in the formation of consciousness of the miners through the experience. This perspective indicates an intentional choice to deal directly with sectors that had few opportunities to exhibit their point of view. Thus, the role of narrators and the relationship between them and the researcher becomes the object of reflection, and the evidence shows the complexity of the place where the narratives are legitimate and earn meanings. The intention is the visibility to the struggle of the miners of Sierra Pelada from the plurality of memories, their living conditions and housing of today. The present, thus, turns into the right to the memory, the question of how public politics in relation to miners mix itself in the dispute by hegemony, muting projects and alternative possibilities of building other different histories of which were submitted. It discusses the construction of the images on the gold mining camps and the construction of the Carajás region from different perspectives and interests. Furthermore, a revision in the literature on the subject of gold mining camps in the region. Are addressed the questions about the construction of the work, realizing the formation of the gold mining camps as territory, experience shared by the various citizens involved. Serra Pelada emerges as place where disputes between miners, entrepreneurs, CVRD and military, were marked by tensions and struggles. The experience of the gold mining camps changed the miners, forging in the territory, the emergence and the formation of new social citizens / O presente trabalho propõe-se a discutir as relações de trabalho e as condições de vida dos trabalhadores do garimpo de Serra Pelada no sudeste do Pará a partir de diversas memórias, alimentada pela imprensa, pesquisadores e garimpeiros. Partindo das vivências dos trabalhadores, podemos compreender sua relação com o poder instituído e com os diferentes garimpeiros. Essa reflexão possibilita questionar o passado e confrontar as diferentes memórias dos garimpeiros entre si e com as práticas autoritárias do regime militar para a administração do garimpo no inicio da década de 1980. Nesse processo, a luta pela terra indica como a memória constitui-se em argumento e constrói o lugar na formação da consciência dos garimpeiros através da experiência. Essa perspectiva indica uma escolha intencional ao tratar diretamente com setores que tiveram poucas oportunidades para expor suas visões. Desta forma, o papel dos narradores e a relação estabelecida entre eles e o pesquisador passa a ser objeto de reflexão, e nos sugere indícios da complexidade do lugar onde as narrativas se legitimam e ganham significados. Busca-se dar visibilidade a luta dos garimpeiros de Serra Pelada a partir da pluralidade das memórias, de suas condições de vida e moradia atuais. O presente, assim, converte-se no direito a memória, ao questionar como as políticas públicas em relação ao garimpeiro se engendram na disputa por hegemonias, silenciando projetos alternativos e possibilidades de construção de outras historicidades distintas das quais foram submetidas. Discute-se a construção das imagens sobre o garimpo e a constituição da região do Carajás a partir de diferentes perspectivas e interesses. Propõe-se, ainda, uma revisão na bibliografia sobre a temática do garimpo e da região. São abordadas as questões da construção do trabalho, percebendo a formação do garimpo como território, experiência compartilhada pelos diversos sujeitos envolvidos. Serra Pelada surge como lugar onde se desenrolam as disputas entre garimpeiros, empresários, CVRD (Companhia Vale do Rio Doce) e militares, marcadas por tensões e lutas. A experiência do garimpo transformou o garimpeiro, forjando no território o surgimento e constituição desses novos sujeitos sociais