La présente thèse étudie la production et la consommation d’images par les révolutionnaires russes avant 1917. L’auteur soutient que l’iconographie révolutionnaire russe émane d’un long processus au cours duquel les révolutionnaires se sont appropriés et ont subverti certaines images et stratégies visuelles, ainsi que leurs moyens de production, déjà disponibles au sein de la culture qu’ils avaient entrepris de transformer. Cette appropriation est comprise comme une tentative d'insuffler une cohérence idéologique à un mouvement révolutionnaire en émergence et, ce faisant, en proie à une relative désorganisation. L’auteur montre comment l’usage de portraits et de stéréotypes visuels joua un rôle important dans la construction de l’identité et de la conscience révolutionnaires, d’une part, et comment un certain imaginaire révolutionnaire fut cristallisé dans la culture visuelle contemporaine, d’autre part. / This dissertation studies the production and consumption of images by Russian revolutionaries prior to 1917. The author argues that Russian revolutionary iconography emanates from a long-term process in which revolutionaries appropriated and subverted the images, means of production and visual strategies already available in their surrounding cultural context. This cultural borrowing is analyzed as an attempt of the revolutionaries to give an ideological coherence to an emerging but still disorganized political movement. The author shows how portraits and visual stereotypes have been fundamental in the construction of the revolutionary identity and consciousness, on one hand, and how a certain revolutionary imagination have been crystallized in the contemporary visual culture, on the other hand.

En 2003, la Commission de vérité et de réconciliation du Pérou (CVR) publie un rapport sur la période de guerre interne et de violence qui a déchiré le pays entre 1980 et 2000. Ce rapport étudie ces deux décennies pour faire la lumière sur les événements et évaluer la position de divers secteurs de la société afin que les Péruviens puissent se réconcilier avec un pan de leur histoire. Dans son rapport, la CVR consacre une section aux médias, notamment la presse écrite, et salue le rôle « important » qu’ils ont joué, tout en notant au passage que leur couverture du conflit n’a pas favorisé la pacification du pays et a même pu la compromettre par moments. Ce mémoire vise à étudier la couverture de la guerre interne par les trois quotidiens péruviens les plus importants pour le tirage, Expreso, El Comercio, et La República. Il porte surtout sur la période comprise entre le début des hostilités, le 17 mai 1980, et le massacre de huit journalistes dans le village andin d’Uchuraccay, le 26 janvier 1983. Un regard est également jeté sur l’évolution du journalisme au Pérou depuis les années 1960, marquées par l’élection d’un gouvernement démocratique et aussi par l’instauration d’un régime militaire qui se maintiendra au pouvoir pendant 12 ans. Les bouleversements au cours de cette période difficile expliquent, au moins en partie, le désintérêt initialement manifesté par ces quotidiens, au-delà des différences idéologiques manifestes, à l’endroit des premiers pas du Sentier Lumineux et de sa « guerre populaire ». / In 2003, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of Peru published a report on the internal war and violence that tore the country apart from 1980 to 2000. The report studied those two decades in order to shed light on the events, investigating the involvement of different sectors of society, so that Peruvians would be able to come to peace with their recent history. In its report, the TRC had a section on the media – including the written press. The report underscored the “important” role the media had played, but also stated that their coverage of the war might not have helped bring peace and may have even at times worsened the situation. This thesis aims to study the coverage of the internal war by the three daily newspapers with the largest circulation, Expreso, El Comercio and La República. It focuses on the period between the start of the war on May 17, 1980 and the massacre of eight journalists in the Andean village of Uchuraccay on January 26, 1983. It also considers the evolution of Peruvian journalism since the 1960s, when a democratic government was elected and a military junta subsequently took power and held it for 12 years. Beyond the ideological differences that characterize the three papers studied, this rocky period accounts for, at least partially, the initial lack of interest shown by the newspapers towards the first guerilla actions of the Shining Path and its popular war.

No description available.

Aux alentours de 1830, le romantisme s'impose sur les scènes théâtrales. À une manière nouvelle d'envisager le ballet fait écho une manière nouvelle de le représenter. Celui-ci peine toutefois à se dire pour lui-même, et dans cette bataille du dire, c'est la danseuse, à défaut de la danse, qui devient l'objet principal des représentations. La ballerine cristallise le dualisme essentiel de l'imaginaire romantique et se retrouve au cœur d'une entreprise de mise en légende et de légitimation de l'art chorégraphique. Le dire de la danse passe désormais par une mythographie. L'enjeu ultime est dans la définition du corps romantique de la danse. Les procédures de mythification déterminent un corps proprement décent - le corps glorieux de la danse. Ce corps métaphorique n'est pourtant que l'avers d'un autre corps - le corps terrestre de la danse. Dans les envers du théâtre est ainsi dévoilé le corps de la danse au travail, corps faillible et souffrant, éternel prix à payer de la féerie. / Around 1830, Romanticism prevails on theatre stages. The new perspective on performance as a whole leads to a new perception of ballet. However, ballet struggles to assert its specificity and in the battle of words that unfolds, the ballerina, rather than the ballet, becomes the main focus onstage. The ballerina cristallizes the duality that is key to the Romantic vision. She thus finds herself at the heart of a campaign to elevate her to the status of legend, which is also a way for ballet to gain recognition. The narrative of ballet, from this point onwards, has to rely on a mythography. What is ultimately at stake is the definition of the Romantic dancing body. The mythologizing process creates a chaste body : the glorious dancing body. However, this metaphorical body is but the antithesis of another one : the earthy dancing body. Finally, it is backstage in the theatre that the dancing body is unveiled at work, frail and in pain, forever the price to pay for enchantment.

No description available.

Este estudo procura investigar e interpretar a trajetória artística, jornalística, política e intelectual do caricaturista ítalo-brasileiro Angelo Agostini (1843-1910). Sua estréia profissional, em São Paulo, coincide com o início da Guerra do Paraguai, em 1864, e seus últimos trabalhos acontecem quando a República oligárquica está consolidada, em 1908. Agostini assiste à decadência das últimas engrenagens do Império, assentado no trabalho escravo e na grande propriedade da terra e, em seguida, testemunha o advento da República e a nova inserção do Brasil no mercado internacional, através do fornecimento de matérias-primas aos países centrais e da entrada maciça de capitais externos aqui. Esteticamente, ele foi o principal artista gráfico em atividade, no Brasil, na segunda metade do século XIX e realizador de alguns marcos na história da imprensa brasileira, como a Revista Illustrada. Introdutor das histórias em quadrinhos entre nós, deixou como legado uma obra vasta, diferenciada e irregular. No plano político, foi um ativista na luta pela Abolição da escravatura. Nosso propósito é evidenciar como as transformações empresariais e técnicas na atividade de imprensa interferem no trabalho das artes gráficas. Ao mesmo tempo, tentaremos examinar em que consistiu a militância política de Agostini no âmbito jornalístico, quem eram seus parceiros, com quais setores de classe se articulava e qual o significado da campanha abolicionista para uma parcela da elite urbana. / This work intends to research and interpret the artistic, journalistic, political and intellectual career of the Italian-Brazilian cartoonist Angelo Agostini (1843-1910). His professional debut takes place in 1864, in São Paulo, when the Paraguay War was beginning, and his last works are published when the Oligarchic Republic is already consolidated, in 1907. Agostini witnesses the decay of the Brazilian Empire´s last ties - supported by slave work and large landed states. Following that, he also sees the raising of the Republic and Brazil´s new insertion in the international market - supplying raw material to central economies, and the massive income of external capital into the country. Esthetically wise, he was the main graphic artist at work in the second half of the nineteen century in Brazil. He accomplished some deeds in the history of the Brazilian press, such as the Revista Illustrada. Agostini was also the first one to introduce comic narrative into the country and his legacy was a vast artistic creation – although diversified and irregular. In the political field, he was an activist in the struggle for the abolition of slavery. The objective of this study is to point out how business and technical changes in press activities interfere in the final work - the graphic work. Along with that, we also try to investigate how Agostini performed his political action in the journalistic milieu, who his partners were, which class sectors he was connected with, and what the abolitionist campaign meant for a sector of the white urban elite.

Le dessin d’actualité est un dessin qui appartient au genre journalistique fonctionnant comme un éditorial visuel. Cependant, en tant qu’objet sémiotique, il n’a presque jamais reçu l’attention analytique qu’il mérite. Nous soutenons la thèse que le dessin d’actualité emploie un langage visuel particulier afin de partager son savoir. Pour illustrer notre thèse, nous avons utilisé les dessins d’actualité du magazine Jeune Afrique parus entre l’année 2000 et 2010. Notre hypothèse est que ces dessins « disent » quelque chose d’une manière particulière à propos de l’Afrique subsaharienne (AfSS). Selon les questions et objectifs de notre recherche, nous avons voulu faire connaitre la structure du langage du dessin d’actualité, les stratégies énonciatives qu’il emploie pour véhiculer son savoir, les sujets thématiques qu’il aborde et l’image de l’Afrique qu’il projette. Le dessin d’actualité dispose d’une structure syntaxique tabulaire composée de cinq unités, à savoir, la figure iconique, la figure plastique, l’unité temporelle, le paratexte et la parole. L’informateur dépose le savoir dans une ou plusieurs unités tout en employant des stratégies énonciatives appropriées et efficaces pour manipuler l’observateur cognitif à voir, à savoir et à croire à ce qu’il observe. L’étude du langage du dessin d’actualité a été inspirée des propositions théoriques du Groupe μ, (1992), Töpffer (cf. Gombrich, 1996), Genette (1987) entre autres. Les thèmes portant sur la pratique électorale, l’aide humanitaire, la guerre civile, la corruption financière et le portrait moral des dirigeants africains ont alimenté notre corpus. Quelle est donc l’image que les dessins d’actualité dans J.A. donnent de l’AfSS – de son territoire, ses peuples, leur situation, et leurs dirigeants ? Différentes propositions découlent des analyses du quatrième au neuvième chapitre. Il est ressorti que les dessins d’actualité dans J.A. racontent de petits récits fictifs qui ne reprennent pas les histoires de l’actualité mais s’en inspirent, les transposent et s’y réfèrent pour composer les leurs. Nous avons constaté que chaque dessin d’un sujet thématique donné s’enchaine chronologiquement au prochain qui pourrait être ou pas la production du même dessinateur. Si les dessins racontent de petits récits, nous pouvons imaginer chaque dessin comme une scène d’une pièce de théâtre et pour cela, chaque dessin caractérise ses personnages. L’informateur donne des rôles figuratifs et thématiques aux acteurs. Les acteurs sont des africains. Nous, les observateurs, sont assignés le rôle de spectateurs. Dans chaque scène, le dessinateur amène nos esprits dans les pays de l’AfSS pour « témoigner » avec lui de ce qui « se passe ». Cependant, les problèmes socio-économiques de l’AfSS sont présentés comme des géants par rapport aux « Africains ». En effet, l’opposition topologique des figures visuelles met en évidence une opposition des valeurs différentielles mettant ainsi l’AfSS dans une opposition qui la minimise et la dévalorise. Les dessins pointent les enjeux socio-économiques qui accablent la population civile. Et comme les problèmes nécessitent une intervention, il se fait que cette intervention provienne de l’étranger. Pendant ce temps de souffrance pour les civils, les hauts fonctionnaires s’engageant dans des pratiques de l’impunité financière, racontent les dessins. Les présidents africains, quant à eux, ne pensent qu’à s’éterniser au pouvoir. Ainsi, selon les dessins, ils vont chercher tous les moyens pour mener à bien leur objectif. Les dessinateurs emploient des stratégies énonciatives pour se moquer de la situation africaine peinte par les dessins. Enfin, il n’y a pas une seule image mais des images sombres de l’AfSS issues d’histoires fictives qui s’inspirent de l’actualité. Images sombres parce que le dessin d’actualité est un outil de critique plutôt que d’éloge. / A caricature is a drawing which belongs to the journalistic genre of comments functioning as a visual editorial. However, as a semiotic object, it has never received the analytical attention it deserves. The thesis that we are defending supports the idea that caricatures use a particular visual language distinct from other images to relay their message. To illustrate our thesis, we used caricatures published between 2000 and 2010 in the news magazine Jeune Afrique. We started from the hypothesis that these caricatures "say" something about sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) in a certain way. According to the questions and objectives of our research, we sought to know the structure of the language of the caricature, the discourse strategies the caricatures employed to convey their message, the thematic issues they addressed and the image of SSA they portrayed. As a semiotic object, the caricature has a tabular syntactic structure composed of five components, namely the iconic figure, the plastic figure, the temporal component, paratexts and speech. The informant (cartoonist) chooses to deposit messages in one or more of these syntactic units while using appropriate and effective discourse strategies to manipulate the cognitive observer to see, know and believe in what he observes. To find the structure of the language of caricatures, we were inspired by several theoretical proposals of Group μ (1992), Töpffer (quoted by Gombrich, 1996), Genette (1987), among others. Several themes emerged, but those on electoral practices, humanitarian aid, civil war, financial corruption and moral portrait of African leaders were used as a sample. So what is the image that the caricatures in J.A. give about SSA - its territory, its people, their situation, and their leaders? Various proposals came forth from the analysis in chapters four to nine. First, it emerged that the caricatures in J.A. tell small tales that are distinct from media stories though they get inspired by them, transpose them and refer to them in order to compose their own stories. We found that each caricature from a given thematic subject chronologically fits into the next even if they are productions of different cartoonists. If the caricatures form small stories in form of plays, we can imagine each caricature as a scene and for that, each caricature characterizes its actors. The cartoonist invents a story and gives figurative and thematic roles to the actors. These actors are Africans and we, the observers, are assigned the role of spectators. In each scene, the cartoonist “takes” our minds in African countries in order to "witness" together with him what "happens" there. However, the socio-economic problems of SSA are presented as “giants” compared to "Africans". Indeed, the visual topological oppositions of visual figures reveal an opposition of differential values thus putting SSA in a position which minimizes and devalues it. The caricatures point out the problems of famine, drought, disease, corruption, war etc. that plague the civilian population. And as the problems require intervention, it happens that this intervention comes from elsewhere rather than from Africa. During this time of suffering for civilians, high civil servants are shown as engaging in financial impunity practices, seems to say the caricatures. African presidents, meanwhile, are portrayed as those that only think of staying in power. Thus, according to the cartoons, they are always focusing on looking for any means by which to remain in power. Cartoonists employ all kinds of discourse strategies to make fun of the african situation. Finally, not just one, but several bleak images of SSA emerge from the caricatures of J.A. Bleak images because a caricature is a tool for critic rather than praise. Yet, these little stories are fictional even if they are inspired by current events as told by the media.

[pt] A tese recupera a importância da técnica da caricatura no âmbito da discussão literária e plástica modernas em dois momentos específicos: na primeira metade do século XVIII, com o debate estabelecido por William Hogarth e Henry Fielding, num contexto em que se fixam as bases do romance; e em meados do século XIX, quando o tema é retomado por Charles Baudelaire, especialmente no ensaio Da essência do riso e das artes geralmente cômicas, de 1855. Embora tenha recebido da dupla Hogarth-Fielding uma definição pejorativa, a caricatura significou um caminho para a experiência moderna, seja pela assimilação de motivos altos e baixos na arte, pela tematização da vivência urbana ou pela valorização da psicologia dos personagens (dentro da tradição do empirismo de Locke), traduzida na exploração da fisionomia humana. Com Baudelaire, estabelece-se não só uma estética da caricatura, mas uma estética caricatural construída a partir das categorias cômico absoluto e o cômico significativo. Esse modo caricatural, acreditamos, já irrompia nas cenas morais de Hogarth. Adotamos a definição da caricatura como uma novidade no campo da arte pictórica, de acordo com Ernst Gombrich. À técnica italiana, segundo ele, estava franqueada a possibilidade de experimentação que levaria à descoberta não trivial de como criar a ilusão de vida sem qualquer ilusão de realidade. As reflexões de Hogarth e de Baudelaire dimensionam historicamente a importância do humor gráfico não só como um desafio à representação artística, mas também como elemento central de uma certa experiência da modernidade. / [en] In this work, the relevance of caricature, both in modern literary and plastic discourses, is considered in two moments: during the first half of the XVIII century, in the interaction between William Hogarth and Henry Fielding, concurrent to the beginnings of the English novel, and in mid XIX century, when Charles Baudelaire, especially in his essay De l essence du rire et généralement du comique dans les arts plastiques, reapproaches the subject. Caricature received from Hogarth and Fielding a negative definition, but still showed a path to the modern experience, by assimilating low and high themes in art, by taking subjects from urban life and by emphasizing the psychology of characters (in the spirit of Locke s empiricism), through an exploration of the human face. Baudelaire s ideas give rise to an esthetics of caricature, built up from his concepts of significative and absolute comic. This caricatural mode, we believe, was already present in Hogarth s modern moral scenes. We take Ernst Gombrich s definition of caricature as an innovation in pictorial art. According to him, the Italian technique was allowed a freedom of experimentation which led to the nontrivial discovery of how to create the illusion of life without the illusion of reality. The arguments in Hogarth and Baudelaire describe the historical relevance of graphic humor, both as a challenge to artistic representation and as a central element of a certain kind of experience of modernity.

Este estudo procura investigar e interpretar a trajetória artística, jornalística, política e intelectual do caricaturista ítalo-brasileiro Angelo Agostini (1843-1910). Sua estréia profissional, em São Paulo, coincide com o início da Guerra do Paraguai, em 1864, e seus últimos trabalhos acontecem quando a República oligárquica está consolidada, em 1908. Agostini assiste à decadência das últimas engrenagens do Império, assentado no trabalho escravo e na grande propriedade da terra e, em seguida, testemunha o advento da República e a nova inserção do Brasil no mercado internacional, através do fornecimento de matérias-primas aos países centrais e da entrada maciça de capitais externos aqui. Esteticamente, ele foi o principal artista gráfico em atividade, no Brasil, na segunda metade do século XIX e realizador de alguns marcos na história da imprensa brasileira, como a Revista Illustrada. Introdutor das histórias em quadrinhos entre nós, deixou como legado uma obra vasta, diferenciada e irregular. No plano político, foi um ativista na luta pela Abolição da escravatura. Nosso propósito é evidenciar como as transformações empresariais e técnicas na atividade de imprensa interferem no trabalho das artes gráficas. Ao mesmo tempo, tentaremos examinar em que consistiu a militância política de Agostini no âmbito jornalístico, quem eram seus parceiros, com quais setores de classe se articulava e qual o significado da campanha abolicionista para uma parcela da elite urbana. / This work intends to research and interpret the artistic, journalistic, political and intellectual career of the Italian-Brazilian cartoonist Angelo Agostini (1843-1910). His professional debut takes place in 1864, in São Paulo, when the Paraguay War was beginning, and his last works are published when the Oligarchic Republic is already consolidated, in 1907. Agostini witnesses the decay of the Brazilian Empire´s last ties - supported by slave work and large landed states. Following that, he also sees the raising of the Republic and Brazil´s new insertion in the international market - supplying raw material to central economies, and the massive income of external capital into the country. Esthetically wise, he was the main graphic artist at work in the second half of the nineteen century in Brazil. He accomplished some deeds in the history of the Brazilian press, such as the Revista Illustrada. Agostini was also the first one to introduce comic narrative into the country and his legacy was a vast artistic creation – although diversified and irregular. In the political field, he was an activist in the struggle for the abolition of slavery. The objective of this study is to point out how business and technical changes in press activities interfere in the final work - the graphic work. Along with that, we also try to investigate how Agostini performed his political action in the journalistic milieu, who his partners were, which class sectors he was connected with, and what the abolitionist campaign meant for a sector of the white urban elite.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T16:27:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissert Renato F Ferreira - parte 1.pdf: 1867999 bytes, checksum: ded85dfb6b4bc5c642a890492d200806 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-15 / This paper focuses on the production of cartoons run by a political cartoonist Jorge Braga and Mariosan held in Goiânia and served by the newspaper The People in the period between 2008 and 2009 with reference to major events in national and international policy. This research aims to elucidate how the cartoon policy creates multiple points of view regarding the treatment of political issues, the behavior of their representatives, using humor to build a critical discourse and as a means of projecting an ideology. And from this discussion looked at how the cartoons are oriented on the page of the newspaper and the texts that surround relate to her. Through these relationships arise problematization of meaning in the formation of charge and on its configuration as a journalistic genre and pictorial satire, or simply artistic genre. Considering the charge as an iconographic language and an ideological and discursive practice, we sought to identify in its historical function analysis reveals a critical position in a convincing power as mediated by mood and methodological procedure, we use the concepts of discourse analysis and the assumptions theoretical Orlandi (1992; 2009) in his conception of silence as a way to investigate the meanings produced by the political cartoons and substantiate certain claims, questioning the issues surrounding the charge. / O presente trabalho focaliza a produção de charges de cunho político executadas pelos cartunistas Jorge Braga e Mariosan realizadas em Goiânia e veiculadas pelo Jornal O Popular no período compreendido entre 2008 e 2009, tendo como referência os principais acontecimentos ocorridos na política nacional e internacional. O objetivo desta pesquisa visa elucidar como a charge política cria múltiplos pontos de vista a respeito do tratamento das questões políticas, dos comportamentos de seus representantes, utilizando o humor para construir um discurso crítico e como mecanismo de projeção de uma ideologia. E, a partir desta discussão, verificamos como as charges estão orientadas na página do jornal e como os textos que a circundam se relacionam com as mesmas. Através destas relações surgem problematizações sobre a formação do sentido na charge e sobre sua configuração enquanto gênero jornalístico e sátira pictórica ou simplesmente gênero artístico. Considerando a charge como uma linguagem iconográfica e uma prática discursiva e ideológica, procuramos identificar nas análises realizadas a sua função histórica reveladora de um posicionamento crítico de um poder de convencimento mediado pelo humor. Como procedimento metodológico foram adotados os conceitos da Análise de Discurso e os pressupostos teóricos de Orlandi (1992; 2009) em sua concepção sobre o silêncio como uma forma de investigar os sentidos produzidos pelas charges políticas e fundamentar certas afirmações, problematizando as questões em torno da charge.