Este estudo procura investigar e interpretar a trajetória artística, jornalística, política e intelectual do caricaturista ítalo-brasileiro Angelo Agostini (1843-1910). Sua estréia profissional, em São Paulo, coincide com o início da Guerra do Paraguai, em 1864, e seus últimos trabalhos acontecem quando a República oligárquica está consolidada, em 1908. Agostini assiste à decadência das últimas engrenagens do Império, assentado no trabalho escravo e na grande propriedade da terra e, em seguida, testemunha o advento da República e a nova inserção do Brasil no mercado internacional, através do fornecimento de matérias-primas aos países centrais e da entrada maciça de capitais externos aqui. Esteticamente, ele foi o principal artista gráfico em atividade, no Brasil, na segunda metade do século XIX e realizador de alguns marcos na história da imprensa brasileira, como a Revista Illustrada. Introdutor das histórias em quadrinhos entre nós, deixou como legado uma obra vasta, diferenciada e irregular. No plano político, foi um ativista na luta pela Abolição da escravatura. Nosso propósito é evidenciar como as transformações empresariais e técnicas na atividade de imprensa interferem no trabalho das artes gráficas. Ao mesmo tempo, tentaremos examinar em que consistiu a militância política de Agostini no âmbito jornalístico, quem eram seus parceiros, com quais setores de classe se articulava e qual o significado da campanha abolicionista para uma parcela da elite urbana. / This work intends to research and interpret the artistic, journalistic, political and intellectual career of the Italian-Brazilian cartoonist Angelo Agostini (1843-1910). His professional debut takes place in 1864, in São Paulo, when the Paraguay War was beginning, and his last works are published when the Oligarchic Republic is already consolidated, in 1907. Agostini witnesses the decay of the Brazilian Empire´s last ties - supported by slave work and large landed states. Following that, he also sees the raising of the Republic and Brazil´s new insertion in the international market - supplying raw material to central economies, and the massive income of external capital into the country. Esthetically wise, he was the main graphic artist at work in the second half of the nineteen century in Brazil. He accomplished some deeds in the history of the Brazilian press, such as the Revista Illustrada. Agostini was also the first one to introduce comic narrative into the country and his legacy was a vast artistic creation – although diversified and irregular. In the political field, he was an activist in the struggle for the abolition of slavery. The objective of this study is to point out how business and technical changes in press activities interfere in the final work - the graphic work. Along with that, we also try to investigate how Agostini performed his political action in the journalistic milieu, who his partners were, which class sectors he was connected with, and what the abolitionist campaign meant for a sector of the white urban elite.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Pereira Xavier.pdf: 1331523 bytes, checksum: 12fd3df400fb614d80e71b4a608d7ac5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-05 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Ceará was the first province to free its captives in 1884, four years before the Lei Áurea (Abolicionist law), for this reason it received the epithet of Land of the light . Francisco José do Nascimento, known as Dragon of the sea , entered the written history of Ceará as the fisherman who would have lead his fellowmen in 1881, so that his rafts would not transport the slaves that would be sent to the farms in the south, in the episode that became konwn as the fishermen s strike. The goal of this study is to understand how the memory of Dragão do Mar was built, between the period of the celebrations of fifty years of abolition in 1934 until the release of the book A hero without a pedestal by Roberto Átila do Amaral Vieira, published in 1958 / A província cearense foi a primeira a libertar seus cativos em 1884, quatro anos antes da Lei Áurea. Por esse motivo, recebeu o epíteto de Terra da Luz . Francisco José do Nascimento, conhecido como Dragão do Mar, entrou para a escrita da história do Ceará como o jangadeiro que teria liderado seus companheiros em 1881, fazendo com que suas embarcações não transportassem os escravos que seriam enviados para as fazendas no sul, no episódio que ficou conhecido como a greve dos jangadeiros. O objetivo deste estudo é entender de que forma foi construída a memória sobre o Dragão do Mar no período compreendido entre as comemorações do cinquentenário da abolição, em 1934, até a divulgação do livro Um herói sem pedestal, de Roberto Átila do Amaral Vieira, publicado em 1958

Este estudo procura investigar e interpretar a trajetória artística, jornalística, política e intelectual do caricaturista ítalo-brasileiro Angelo Agostini (1843-1910). Sua estréia profissional, em São Paulo, coincide com o início da Guerra do Paraguai, em 1864, e seus últimos trabalhos acontecem quando a República oligárquica está consolidada, em 1908. Agostini assiste à decadência das últimas engrenagens do Império, assentado no trabalho escravo e na grande propriedade da terra e, em seguida, testemunha o advento da República e a nova inserção do Brasil no mercado internacional, através do fornecimento de matérias-primas aos países centrais e da entrada maciça de capitais externos aqui. Esteticamente, ele foi o principal artista gráfico em atividade, no Brasil, na segunda metade do século XIX e realizador de alguns marcos na história da imprensa brasileira, como a Revista Illustrada. Introdutor das histórias em quadrinhos entre nós, deixou como legado uma obra vasta, diferenciada e irregular. No plano político, foi um ativista na luta pela Abolição da escravatura. Nosso propósito é evidenciar como as transformações empresariais e técnicas na atividade de imprensa interferem no trabalho das artes gráficas. Ao mesmo tempo, tentaremos examinar em que consistiu a militância política de Agostini no âmbito jornalístico, quem eram seus parceiros, com quais setores de classe se articulava e qual o significado da campanha abolicionista para uma parcela da elite urbana. / This work intends to research and interpret the artistic, journalistic, political and intellectual career of the Italian-Brazilian cartoonist Angelo Agostini (1843-1910). His professional debut takes place in 1864, in São Paulo, when the Paraguay War was beginning, and his last works are published when the Oligarchic Republic is already consolidated, in 1907. Agostini witnesses the decay of the Brazilian Empire´s last ties - supported by slave work and large landed states. Following that, he also sees the raising of the Republic and Brazil´s new insertion in the international market - supplying raw material to central economies, and the massive income of external capital into the country. Esthetically wise, he was the main graphic artist at work in the second half of the nineteen century in Brazil. He accomplished some deeds in the history of the Brazilian press, such as the Revista Illustrada. Agostini was also the first one to introduce comic narrative into the country and his legacy was a vast artistic creation – although diversified and irregular. In the political field, he was an activist in the struggle for the abolition of slavery. The objective of this study is to point out how business and technical changes in press activities interfere in the final work - the graphic work. Along with that, we also try to investigate how Agostini performed his political action in the journalistic milieu, who his partners were, which class sectors he was connected with, and what the abolitionist campaign meant for a sector of the white urban elite.

Cette recherche vise à tracer une généalogie des rationalités de gouvernement et d’identification de la mobilité du travail dans la France métropolitaine et coloniale du XIXème siècle. Gouverner la mobilité ne comporte pas un pouvoir simplement coercitif, mais plutôt un certain degré de liberté nécessaire à canaliser et orienter la circulation des individus. Plus précisément, la thèse analyse l’histoire du livret ouvrier en tant que révélateur administratif des tensions qui accompagnent la configuration, la crise et la reformulation du contrat civil classique en France. Par cette technologie d’identification on retrace aussi la genèse globale des notions historiques de travail libre, esclavage et domesticité, dont on suit les métamorphoses à la lumière des politiques de la mobilité après l’abolition de l’esclavage. Les derniers chapitres considèrent la naissance de l’État Providence et des nouvelles pratiques d’identification, telles que l’anthropométrie et les empreintes digitales, en tant que reformulations historiques du problème à la base de notre recherche : comment contrôler la force de travail sans insérer une coercition illégitime sur les corps qui en sont les porteurs? La généalogie du régime de mobilité montre la nécessité paradoxale du libéralisme de cycliquement relancer un projet universel (la généralisation de la personne juridique) afin de pouvoir définir des hiérarchies en son sein (multipliant les statuts par lesquelles l’accès à l’usage de la liberté est filtré). À partir de cette complication on peut repenser le rapport entre souveraineté, État et marché mondial. / In this research, we genealogically trace the emergence of modern rationality in the government of the mobility of labor in France and its colonies in the XIX century. Governing mobility does not imply a purely coercive power, but rather a certain degree of freedom, necessary to channel and orient the circulation of individuals. More precisely, this PhD thesis analyses the history of the livret ouvrier as administrative markers of the tensions characterizing the configuration, the crisis, and the reformulation of classic civil contract in France. This technology of identification also allows us to trace the global genesis of the historical notions of free labor, slavery, and domesticity, following their evolution through the politics of mobility after the abolition of slavery. The last chapters survey the birth of the welfare state and of new forms of identification, such as anthropometry and fingerprinting, as historical reconfigurations of the underlying question of our investigation: how to control labor power without introducing an illegitimate coercion on the bodies carrying it? The genealogy of mobility regime shows the paradoxical necessity of liberalism to periodically reformulate a universal project (the generalization of the juridical person) in order to organize internal hierarchies (by multiplying the statutes through which the effective access to freedom is filtered). Through the lens of this co-implication we can rethink the relationship between sovereignty, State and world market.

This thesis focuses on the abolition of slavery in the United States. It examines the power role of discourse in maintaining and abolishing slavery in the United States, particularly the proslavery and the antislavery discourse of the antebellum South. The thesis examines two competing concepts of human bondage which originated in the proslavery and antislavery discourses-that of the slave-as-commodity, the proslavery concept, on the one hand, and the slave-as-human, the anti-slavery concept, on the other. It aims to discuss the significance of meaning shift of the word "slave" from slave-as-commodity to that of slave-as-human, the antislavery concept. Taking into account the very subjectivity of the meanings assigned to the words "black" and "slave", the thesis will demonstrate that in U.S. social and political discourse, the meaning of "slave" was not fixed and underwent significant changes over time. This thesis suggests that the abolition of slavery in the United States can be perceived as a result of "a battle for truth" between the proslavery and the antislavery discourse. The new emphasis on the universal humanity of both "races" in the nineteenth century helped abolitionists link the issue of slavery to a progressive discourse of unalienable personal liberties. I argued that even though the...

No presente trabalho, analisaremos as ideias jurídicas de José de Alencar (1829-1877), procurando demonstrar que este não foi somente um dos mais proeminentes vultos das letras pátrias e um dos mais destacados publicistas, políticos e oradores do Brasil de seu tempo, mas também um importante jurista. Embora o jurisconsulto José de Alencar seja inegavelmente menor do que o literato e mesmo que o homem de Estado, não deixa ele de ter sua relevância, merecendo, pois, ser mais conhecido e reconhecido do que tem sido. Em nossa exposição de suas ideias em diversos campos do Direito, nos concentramos mais naquelas que reputamos mais importantes social, política e historicamente, particularmente naquelas referentes à relação entre a Lei Natural e a Lei Positiva, à Constituição Imperial, ao Poder Moderador, à representação política, à abolição da escravatura, à codificação civil e à propriedade. / In this work we will analyse the juridical ideas of José de Alencar (1829-1877), seeking to demonstrate that he was not only one of the most prominent figures of the Brazilian literature and one of the most distinguished journalists, political writers, politicians and orators of the Brazil of his time but also an important jurist. Although the jurisconsult José de Alencar is unquestionably smaller in importance than the writer and even the man of State he does not lack relevance, thus deserving to be more known and recognised. In our exposition of his ideas in different fields of law we will concentrate more on those that we consider more important socially, politically and historically, particularly on the ones which refer to the relation between Natural Law and Positive Law, the Imperial Constitution, the Moderator Power, the political representation, the abolition of slavery, the civil codification and the property.

Orientador: Maria Clementina Pereira Cunha / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T19:29:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_AnaCarolinaFeracinda_D.pdf: 8854133 bytes, checksum: a8eacb45bf03f1b3e991c4b6780f42c1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Esta tese estuda a trajetória social do jornalista José Carlos do Patrocínio (1854- 1905). Reconhecido como um dos baluartes da clli.ilpanha abolicionista na corte imperial, Patrocínio teve uma vida intensa e basta 11te at..ribulada no mundo da imprensa do fim do século XIX. Além de jornalista, folhetinista, e cronista político, ele também foi proprietário e editor de dois jornais da Corte entre as décadas de 1880-1890. Profundamente envolvido nas questões políticas e sociais de seu tempo e inserido em várias polêmicas, Patrocínio é uma çhave de acesso à problematização e compreensão de algumas circunstâncias históricas do período. Além de todo debate em torno da abolição e da campanha pela república, a experiência pessoal de Patrocínio torna-se o próprio foco de análise. Desta maneira, um dos principais objetivos da pesquisa é recuperar e tentar compreender os caminhos efetivamente percorridos e os possíveis de serem trilhados por um jovem negro, pobre, f1lho de um vigário com uma de suas escravas, num mundo marcado pelo trabalho compulsório. Por outro lado, a análise também se volta a atravessar o denso cipoal de imagens que se cristalizou sobre Patrocínio ao longo de um processo de embates e acomodações da memória. Neste sentido, atenção especial tem sido dedicada às principais biografias e memórias sobre ele de forma a entender os mecanismos pelos quais a sua legenda "abolicionista" ficou perenizada em tais obras - sendo recorrente também na histo.riografia / Abstract: This essay studies the social path of the journalist José Carlos do Patrocínio (1853- 1905). Recognized as one of the epitomes of the abolítionist campaign in the imperial court, Patrocínio had an intense and complicated lífe within the press world in the end of the 19th centur.y. Besides being a journalist, a political critic, and writing feuilletons, he was also the owner and editor of two newspapers between the 1880's and 1890's. Profoundly involved both in the polítical and social questions of his time and in some polemical issues, Patrocínio is a key to access, I and comprehend some historical circumstances of that period. This analysis focuses not only on the debate on the abolition and campaign for the republic, but also - and main1y - on the personal experience of Patrocínio. Therefore, one of the core issues of the research is to recover and try to understand the paths that were effectively traced afid the possible ones to be followed by a poor, young, black son of a vicar and one of his slaves in a world marked by compulsory work. Gn the other hand, this thesis also aims at analysing a myriad of crystallized images about Patrocínioduring a process of contests and accommodations of memory. Gn this mater, a special attention was dedicated to the main bibliographic works and memories about him in a way to understand the mechanisms by which his "abolitionist" legend was eternalized on such works - being recovered also in the historiography / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutor em História

No presente trabalho, analisaremos as ideias jurídicas de José de Alencar (1829-1877), procurando demonstrar que este não foi somente um dos mais proeminentes vultos das letras pátrias e um dos mais destacados publicistas, políticos e oradores do Brasil de seu tempo, mas também um importante jurista. Embora o jurisconsulto José de Alencar seja inegavelmente menor do que o literato e mesmo que o homem de Estado, não deixa ele de ter sua relevância, merecendo, pois, ser mais conhecido e reconhecido do que tem sido. Em nossa exposição de suas ideias em diversos campos do Direito, nos concentramos mais naquelas que reputamos mais importantes social, política e historicamente, particularmente naquelas referentes à relação entre a Lei Natural e a Lei Positiva, à Constituição Imperial, ao Poder Moderador, à representação política, à abolição da escravatura, à codificação civil e à propriedade. / In this work we will analyse the juridical ideas of José de Alencar (1829-1877), seeking to demonstrate that he was not only one of the most prominent figures of the Brazilian literature and one of the most distinguished journalists, political writers, politicians and orators of the Brazil of his time but also an important jurist. Although the jurisconsult José de Alencar is unquestionably smaller in importance than the writer and even the man of State he does not lack relevance, thus deserving to be more known and recognised. In our exposition of his ideas in different fields of law we will concentrate more on those that we consider more important socially, politically and historically, particularly on the ones which refer to the relation between Natural Law and Positive Law, the Imperial Constitution, the Moderator Power, the political representation, the abolition of slavery, the civil codification and the property.

イギリスにおけるアボリショニズム(奴隷貿易・奴隷制廃止運動)は、1780年代に開始された。その中心的組織は、ロンドン奴隷貿易廃止委員会であった。この組織の中核にいたのは、クウェイカー教徒と英国国教会福音主義派である。彼らは、大衆的な議会請願運動を主導し、それをバックに奴隷貿易廃止法成立に取り組んだ。この法律は、1807年に成立した。その後1823年に、反奴隷制協会が結成され、さらに広範な大衆運動が繰り広げられ、1833年に奴隷制は廃止された。しかし、これで奴隷が完全に解放されたわけではなかった。彼らは年季奉公人として、元の奴隷主の下で週45時間働かなければならなかった。年季奉公人制が廃止されたのは1838年である。 / The abolitionists' movement in Britain began in 1780s. The Quakers and the Anglican evangelicals spearheaded the movement whose organization was the London Abolition Committee. They collected several hundred thousand signatures of people against the slave trade. The abolition of the British slave trade was effected on 1807. The anti-slavery associstion was formed in 1823. Ten years later slavery was abolished in the British colonies. But the slaves were not emancipated completely, because they, as an apprentice, were obligated to work 45 hours per week under their former masters.The apprenticeship was abolished in 1838. / 博士(経済学) / Doctor of Economics / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University