Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:38:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 21 / Nenhuma / Esta tese pretende demonstrar que o Estado como o conhecemos na atualidade é produto do sistema econômico capitalista e surgiu nos séculos XVII e XVIII como produto de um processo de racionalização que organizou o exercício do poder político. O Estado da modernidade é a superação do Estado absoluto na medida em que toma em sua racionalidade o exercício privado da propriedade privada em substituição a propriedade que se concentrava no Estado absoluto e feudal. Suas crises são cíclicas e permanentes na medida em que operam como elementos capazes de gerar composições funcionais assegurando, portanto, sua sobrevivência enquanto aparato proposital-instrumental. Neste contexto, encontramos o homem como sujeito de transformações sociais. O homem engajado, que racionaliza para exercer interesses e que, assim, institui a sociedade na medida em que permite-se, por ela ser instituído. Os eventos da política, considerada como o ambiente por excelência onde (sobre)vive o Estado são produto da ação humana a partir da organ / This dissertation intends to demonstrate that the Government as we know presently is a product of the capitalist economical system and arose in the XVII and XVIII centuries as product of a process of rationalization that has organized the exercise of the political power. The State of modernity is the surpass of the absolute Government in proportion that takes in its rationality the private exercise of the private property replacement of the property that one used to concentrate in the absolute and feudal Government. Their crisis is cyclical and permanent in proportion that operates as agents able to produce functionaries constitutions assuring, therefore, its survival while purposed-instrumental display. In this context, one finds the man as individual of socials changes. The engaged man that rationalizes to exerts concerns to execute concerns and that, thus, establishes the society in proportion that one empowers, to be created by it. The events of the politics, considered as the surrounding by excellence wh

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Aristotle defined man as a political animal. By that, he ment that the human being is a social animal who uses his communicative and rhetorical skills when negotiating with his fellow humans over issues they share and have in common. Politics, in Athens, was to take common issues seriously. Humans – at least those who could call themselves citizens – were political, and therefore also rhetorical animals. Today, in our western societies, Aristotle’s statement appears almost absurd; politics, in modern western societies, is generally something politicians do while ordinary people are merely observing. Rhetoricians of today – i.e. ”experts on rhetoric” – comment on how politicians speak, how they move, and how they dress. Both politics and rhetoric of today is therefore different from politics and rhetoric of the time when Aristotle lived. In this essay I claim that we, in order to avoid an undeserved reduction of the art of rhetoric and to gain important knowledge about ourselves as humans in our time, have to seriously reconsider the political potential of the art. Such a reconsideration demands a revaluation of both rhetoric and politics. Rhetoric on the one hand, must be understood in a broader sense (than in the general and public notion of the term) which includes language, behaviour, buildings, institutions etcetera in the sense making processes. For this revaluation I turn mainly to Mats Rosengren whose works are at the front edge within this research field. Politics on the other hand, must be understood as an activity through which we construct ourselves as humans as well as our shared world. For this analysis I turn mainly to Hannah Arendt and Cornelius Castoriadis whose works are critiques of our modern societies. My aim is, by investigating these matters, to propose an understanding of civic competence to act politically that is consistent with the reconsideration mentioned above. One of my presumptions is that the political activity of the citizen can be understood as negotiations within, with and of doxa. Therefore, I investigate doxa and doxa negotiation using Ruth Amossy’s, Mats Rosengren’s and Maria Wolrath Söderberg’s theoretical perspectives. My conclusion is that political action is possible in the area where rhetoric and politics meet and that the ability to act as a citizen in a true democratic society involves a number of qualities among which an ethical quality, namely frónēsis, may be the most important, but also the most problematic.

Ce mémoire approfondit le concept d'imaginaire politique par une recherche théorique de l'impact des imaginaires dans la constitution des phénomènes sociaux à travers lesquels se forment et se transforment les entités, les enjeux et les litiges que l'on estimera d'ordre politique dans une société. À partir d'une analyse discursive et thématique de l'emploi du syntagme « imaginaire politique » dans un corpus de textes scientifiques contemporains, au cours de laquelle sont mises en lumière les associations d'idées élaborées par les auteurs, est relevée la nécessité de chercher le rôle joué par les imaginaires dans l'institution du politique. Suite à une revue critique de la littérature permettant de systématiser la notion d'imaginaire comme un réseau ouvert en mutation constante reliant des axes de signification et des formes d'expression ancrant ces derniers dans l'expérience vécue, les liens intrinsèques entre imaginaires et politique sont développés selon trois théories du politique dégagées dans les œuvres de Cornelius Castoriadis, Paul Ricœur et Ernesto Laclau. Cette analyse théorique démontre que les écarts toujours renouvelés entre sens et expression affectent l'institution du politique dans les trois perspectives suivantes. Ils mènent à revoir la teneur des significations sociales motivant la remise en question des manières établies de penser et d'agir. Stimulés par l'échange d'opinions effectué au sein d'un espace public d'apparition, ils conduisent à remanier les pré-conceptions de la justice et, en participant à la synchronisation des perceptions de la violence, ils concourent à l'intégration de la communauté et à sa durée. Surtout, en étant à la base d'un ethos d'universalité, ils parviennent à donner une représentation de la totalité des différences sociales, objet ontologiquement impossible trouvant une manifestation momentanée dans les imaginaires. ______________________________________________________________________________

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Ce mémoire a une double finalité. Il traite à la fois d'un sujet d'une importance non négligeable dans notre société à savoir la démocratie dans les médias par les significations qu'ils prônent, tout en approfondissant un auteur trop peu connu dans le milieu intellectuel québécois, Cornélius Castoriadis. Ainsi, ce qui nous intéresse c'est la question de la démocratie dans les médias en utilisant comme base et méthode de recherche, la théorie castoriadienne. Ce mémoire nous montre que des médias privatisés comme les nôtres font obstacle à la démocratie. Bien sûr ce résultat est toujours basé selon la pensée de l'auteur que nous étudions. Il semble possible de percevoir les médias comme une sorte de baromètre social nous indiquant l'orientation politique de la société qu'ils représentent. L'hétéronomie et l'incapacité de recréer un espace démocratique de nos propres médias télévisuels nous démontrent ainsi l'importance et surtout l'urgence de réfléchir sur l'état de la démocratie libérale au sein de la société capitaliste contemporaine.

[pt] Autonomia e norma jurídica é uma reflexão sobre a norma jurídica. Seu ponto de partida é o de que o pensamento jurí­dico, seus conceitos de norma e autonomia, estão presos ao paradigma da ciência moderna e, por conseqüência, à concepção ontológica herdada. Mediante esse entendimento, orienta-se a uma crí­tica ao pensamento moderno e à  ontologia que pressupõe. A construção do argumento aproxima o estranhamento à  natureza que representa a filosofia à emergência do direito como filosofia prática. Nesse processo, discute a perspectiva de afastamento da norma em relação à  natureza, para ensaiar que o pressuposto disjuntivo não possui um fundamento definitivo na tradução, que a metafí­sica que se consagrou no pensamento antigo reconcilia, na sua ontologia mesma, natureza e norma. Em movimentos que visam o mesmo objeto, pretende identificar os elementos do diálogo do pensamento moderno com a tradição. A emergência do pensamento moderno firmou-se sob os fundamentos da ontologia que consagrada pela tradição socrática: a permanência do direito romano, deu continuidade ao direito natural e permitiu sua reapropriação como razão; a ciência moderna se institui afirmando-se pela violência do método, mas mantendo intactos importantes fundamentos próprios da filosofia clássica. Assim, direito e ciência conduzem pressupostos antigos e os mantém mediante a ressignificação de seus elementos estruturais. Essa herança aparece inteira no paradigma da modernidade e permite compreender o que Boaventura de Souza Santos denomina de crise especular da ciência. Autonomia e norma jurí­dica aproxima essa crí­tica à  reflexão ontológica, para alcançar o conteúdo da crise da ciência e do direito, com base no pensamento de Cornelius Castoriadis. O presente trabalho, enfrenta, pois, a norma, desde uma reflexão ontológica, identificando a norma não exatamente naquilo em que a norma é criação humana, mas destacando a região onde a norma, como criação humana, é natureza. / [en] Autonomy and norm of law is a reflection on the norm of law. Its starting point is of that the legal thought, its concepts of norm and autonomy, is surrounded by the paradigm of modern science e, for consequence, to the inherited ontological conception. By means of this agreement, the critique is oriented to the modern thought and the ontology that it estimates. The construction of the argument approaches the strangeness to the nature that represents the philosophy to the emergency of the right as practical philosophy. In this process, argues the removal perspective of the norm in relation to nature, to assay that the disjunctive estimated one does not possess a definitive bedding in the tradition, that the metaphysics that if consecrated no old thought reconciles, in its same ontology, nature and norm. In movements that aim at object the same, it intends to identify the elements of the dialogue of the modern thought with the tradition. The emergency of the modern thought was firmed under the beddings of the ontology that consecrated for the Socratic tradition: the permanence of the Roman law, gave continuity to the natural law and allowed its re-appropriation as reason; modern science constitutes affirming itself for the violence of the method, but keeping unbroken important proper beddings of the classic philosophy. Thus, law and science lead antique assumptions and it keeps them by means of the resignificance of its structural elements. This inheritance appears entire in the paradigm of modernity and allows understanding what Boaventura de Souza Saints calls specular crisis of science. Autonomy and norm of law approaches this critique to the ontological reflection, to reach the content of the crisis of science and law, on the basis of the thought of Cornelius Castoriadis. The present work, faces, therefore, the norm, since an ontological reflection, identifying the norm not exactly in what the norm is human creation, but highlighting the region where the norm, as human creation, is nature.

Voir infra / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-03-27T11:36:36Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_RepresentacoesImaginariasSociais.pdf: 1067073 bytes, checksum: 185d56b4a212aed20865c3aa70812497 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-06-10T13:06:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_RepresentacoesImaginariasSociais.pdf: 1067073 bytes, checksum: 185d56b4a212aed20865c3aa70812497 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-10T13:06:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_RepresentacoesImaginariasSociais.pdf: 1067073 bytes, checksum: 185d56b4a212aed20865c3aa70812497 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta pesquisa objetivou identificar e compreender as representações imaginárias sociais sobre relacionamento extraconjugal feminino, presentes no discurso de mulheres casadas que mantêm relacionamentos extraconjugais. A teoria de Cornelius Castoriadis deu suporte para a realização deste estudo. Foi utilizada a metodologia qualitativa e foram realizadas entrevistas semidirigidas para obtenção das informações junto as participantes. Foram entrevistadas 09 mulheres casadas, com idade entre 30 e 48 anos, da classe média urbana de Belém-PA, que disseram ter pelo menos uma relação extraconjugal. Os dados foram analisados por meio do Método de Explicitação do Discurso Subjacente (MEDS). A análise dos resultados demonstraram que as mulheres justificam suas traições devido à traição do marido, como uma vingança, ou pelo fato dos cônjuges não as satisfazerem afetiva e/ou sexualmente. Exploraram-se: os diversos significados que as entrevistadas atribuíram à infidelidade; o modo como essas mulheres vivenciam o sentimento de culpa gerado pelo conflito existente entre as regras sociais introjetadas e o desejo de viver uma relação extraconjugal. Dessa forma, a infidelidade conjugal remete a momentos de felicidade, vivências que fogem à rotina diária, propiciada pelos momentos de lazer. Conclui-se que a dimensão imaginária direciona a ação humana, assumindo um papel fundamental na materialização da infidelidade no que diz respeito ao desejo dessas mulheres de manter uma outra relação fora do casamento. Dessa forma, ressalto que somente o conhecimento das regras instituídas socialmente não são suficientes, apesar de imprescindíveis, para gerar ações e modos de pensar compatíveis com as normas e valores sociais. / The aim of his work was to identify and understand the social imaginary representations about the female extramarital relationship that are present into the speech of married women who keep extramarital relacionships. Cornelius Castoriadis’ theory supported the realization of this study. The utilized methodology was the qualitative methodology and semi-oriented interviews were achieved to obtain informations of the participants. Nine married women were interviewed, between 30 and 48 years-old, who belong to the urban middle class. These women were said to have at least one extramarital relationship. The data was analysed through “Método de Explicitação do Discurso Subjacente” (MEDS). The analysis of the results demonstrated that women justify their treasons due to the husband’s treason, as a revenge, or because their husband’s do not satisfy them affectively and/or sexually. The explored themes were: the various meanings that the interviewed women attributed to infidelity; the manner how these women live the feeling of guilt produced by existent conflicts between the introjected social rules and the desire to live an extramarital relationship. The matrimonial infidelity remits the happy moments that aren’t experienced daily, propiciated by moments of leisure. Therefore the imaginary dimension leads the human action, assuming a fundamental role in materialization of infidelity concerning the desire of these women to maintain another relationship outside their marriage. Therefore it is evident that only the knowledge of the socially established rules are not enough, even they are indispensable, to produce actions and thinking manners that are compatible with the social standards and values.