Em um contexto caracterizado pela exacerbação da masculinidade, no qual a homofobia e a misoginia são reiteradas e, muitas vezes, naturalizadas, com o propósito também de demarcar seres abjetos por não se adequarem a essa norma, o presente trabalho estuda a trajetória de grupos e de movimentos de torcedores cujos discursos e performance vão na contramão da ideia de que o futebol brasileiro é um jogo pra machos, reduto de homens cisgêneros e heterossexuais. Tal exercício tem como propósito analisar as ações de grupos, que por meio de sua ação política em diferentes períodos históricos, reivindicaram o direito de torcer pelas pessoas LGBT e mulheres, desestabilizando, assim, a norma regulatória baseada em um modelo de masculinidade hegemônica. Para isso, serão estudadas as torcidas gays do final da década de 1970, como a Coligay (torcida do Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) e a Fla-Gay (torcida do Clube de Regatas Flamengo), que surgem em meio ao regime militar brasileiro, e os movimentos de torcedorxs contemporâneos contrários à homofobia e à misoginia no futebol brasileiro, que constroem a sua visibilidade principalmente por meio do site de rede social Facebook: Galo Queer (formada por torcedorxs do Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (que reúne torcedorxs do São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (coletivo de torcedorxs da Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) e Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (coletivo de torcedoras do Sport Club Corinthians Paulista) / In a context characterized by the exacerbation of masculinity, in which homophobia and misogyny are reiterated and often naturalized, with the purpose of also demarcating abject beings for not conforming to this norm, the present work studies the trajectory of groups and of movements of fans whose discourse and performance go against the idea that Brazilian football is a game \"for machos,\" a stronghold of cisgender, heterosexual men. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the actions of groups that, through their political action in different historical periods, have claimed the right to support for LGBT people and women, thus destabilizing the regulatory norm based on a model of hegemonic masculinity. To this end, I will study the gay fans of the late 1970s, such as Coligay (supporters of Grêmio Foot Ball Porto Alegrense) and Fla-Gay (supporters of the Clube de Regatas do Flamengo), as well as the movements of contemporary fans against homophobia and misogyny in Brazilian football, who construct their visibility mainly through the social network site Facebook: Galo Queer (formed by fans of Clube Atlético Mineiro), Bambi Tricolor (that unites supporters of the São Paulo Futebol Clube), Palmeiras Livre (a collective of fans from the Sociedade Esportiva Palmeiras) and Movimento Toda Poderosa Corinthiana (a collective of female supporters from Sport Club Corinthians Paulista)

Sacha Guitry fit de sa vie le sujet principal de son œuvre brillante mais assez élégiaque et relativement mélancolique où les personnages suicidaires joués par lui sont assez fréquents. Dans son œuvre, l’osmose est quasiment complète entre le théâtre et la vie. Ses épouses actrices furent les premières à souffrir de cette osmose et de cette instrumentalisation de leur personne et elles se lassèrent presque toutes (sauf Marconi) d’être éternellement considérées comme des êtres élégants mais souvent muets, en dépit du train de vie brillant qu’il leur offrit. Il perdit ainsi périodiquement des partenaires de qualité (il ne remplacera jamais la très brillante Yvonne Printemps) car, l’une après l’autre, elles refusèrent de sacrifier leur vie personnelle au profit du programme théâtral et cinématographique d’un seul homme. Nous tenterons de voir pourquoi Guitry eut avec les acteurs-hommes de meilleures relations qu’avec les femmes érotisées comme ses cinq épouses. C’est pourquoi nous analyserons les rapports idylliques qu’il eut avec trois autres actrices (Carton, Pierry et Fusier–Gir) que le temps avait déjà marquées physiquement. Nous tenterons surtout de redonner vie à ses cinq actrices-épouses en tenant compte des études récentes relatives au "gender" au cinéma ainsi que des star-studies, même si aucune d’entre elles n’est vraiment une star. Nous nous efforcerons d’analyser les conséquences de son comportement souvent machiste et narcissique sur la vie et la carrière de ces femmes pendant 50 ans. Nous analyserons enfin ce qu’il leur apporta et ce qu’elles offrirent à son brillant cinéma par leur présence. / Sacha Guitry made his own life the main topic of his apparently cheerful and brilliant plays and films which are often also sometimes elegiac and melancholy. Surprisingly in his works, quite a few characters played by him seem to be fascinated by suicide. There is no real boundary in his works between life and theatre and the actresses who were also his wives suffered from this absence of a frontier-line between those two worlds. They also disliked the way he took unfair advantage of their personality in his plays and almost all of them (except Marconi) eventually got tired of being considered as very smart but speechless creatures, although he offered them a very luxurious way of life. He thus lost quite a number of excellent partners (actually he could never really replace Yvonne Printemps, the exceptional player and singer) because, one after the other, they refused to sacrifice their personal life for the benefit of someone with exacting prospects concerning the theatre and the cinema. We shall therefore try to understand why Guitry usually kept up a better relationship with men-actors than with actresses with obvious sex appeal, like his five wives. We shall then examine the perfect friendship he formed with three elderly actresses whose growing age was becoming quite noticeable. We shall try to "bring back to life" the real personalities of the five actresses who also became his wives by resorting to the recent discoveries about "gender" and star-studies. We shall also try to analyze the influence of his narcissistic and chauvinistic attitude upon the lives and careers of these actresses. We shall eventually try to find out what he brought them by his presence and what they added by theirs to his brilliant cinema.

Essay 1 (with Mikael Elinder): We show that house prices in general did not respond to a large cut in the property tax in Sweden. Our estimates are based on rich register data covering more than 100,000 sales over a time period of two and a half years. Because the Swedish property tax is national and thus unrelated to local public goods, our setting is ideal for causal identification of the property tax on house prices. Our result that house prices did not respond to the tax cut at the time of implementation cannot be explained by early capitalization at the time of announcement. Two other stories appear to explain our results. First, it is possible that house buyers expect an offsetting increase in the supply of housing. Second, house buyers might simply not understand how the tax cut affects total future costs of owning a house. Unfortunately, it has proven difficult to disentangle the two mechanisms, and we must therefore conclude that both may be relevant. Essay 2:  I investigate government consumption smoothing (sensitivity) under a balanced budget rule in Swedish municipalities. In general, I find Swedish municipalities to be highly consumption sensitive. Municipalities consume 87.6% out of predicted current revenues in the time period leading up to the implementation of the balanced budget rule, and they consume 76.3% out of predicted current revenue in thetime period following the implementation. Fiscally weak municipalities are found to be more consumption sensitive than fiscally strong municipalities. Very weak municipalities have become more consumption sensitive compared with very strong municipalities since the implementation of the balanced budget rule. Thus, I find indicative evidence that both credit market constraints and formal budget rules such as balanced budget rules increase municipal consumption sensitivity Essay 3: Using the Swedish municipal sector as my political laboratory, I study the effect of a coalition partner on policy outcomes. I use a version of Regression-Discontinuity Design (RDD) specifically suited to proportional systems to define close elections, which can be used for identifying the effect of the Left Party as coalition partner to the Social Democrats. The Left Party is found to have a positive and medium sized effect on the municipal income tax rate. The positive effect is in line with what we expect given the policy preferences of Left Party representatives, but also given the predictions from political fragmentation theory. I find no effects on expenditures or debt, and the negative result for investments is not robust. Essay 4 (with Linuz Aggeborn): In a model where voters and politicians have different preferences for how much to spend on basic welfare services contra immigration, we conclude that established politicians that are challenged by right-wing populists will implement a policy with no spending on immigration if the cost of immigration is high enough. Additionally, adjustment to right-wing populist policy is more likely when the economy is in a recession. Voters differ in their level of private consumption in such a way that lower private consumption implies higher demand for basic welfare services at the expense of immigration, and thus stronger disposition to support right-wing populist policies. We propose that this within-budget-distributional conflict can arise as an electorally decisive conflict dimension if parties have converged to the median voter on the size-of-government issue. / <p>Felaktigt isbn: 978-91-85519-61-3</p>

Le graffiti est depuis longtemps associé au vandalisme dans les métropoles où il prolifère. Il s’intègre au paysage urbain à un point tel que, même s’il procède d’une logique de visibilité et de promotion, nous parvenons à ne plus le remarquer. Pourtant, sa présence suscite toujours la colère des citoyens propriétaires de murs vandalisés et des autorités municipales qui, chaque année, dépensent de grosses sommes d’argent pour l’effacer. Malgré les restrictions et les amendes, le graffiti est néanmoins devenu un véritable phénomène d’art urbain : des artistes graffiteurs ont atteint la notoriété en dehors de leur sous-culture et ont pu exposer légalement leur travail, du fait d’un intérêt croissant du milieu officiel de l’art. Celui-ci contribue à faire grandir l’engouement et l’enthousiasme pour une pratique d’art urbaine. Le graffiti illustre l’expression d’une identité qui s’approprie et subvertit les surfaces urbaines de la ville, au moyen d’un nom propre fictif qui n’a aucune légitimation juridique et légale. De plus, l’application et la diffusion de la signature graffitique communiquent des valeurs qui guident et définissent toute la sous-culture du graffiti. Ces valeurs sont culturellement considérées comme masculines : le risque, le défi et la dissidence. La figure de l’artiste graffiteur apparaît ainsi comme une figure marginale et rebelle. Un tel portrait laisse alors entrevoir une culture fortement machiste, d’autant plus que les garçons qui exercent le graffiti sont beaucoup plus nombreux. Or, si les femmes artistes de la communauté graffitique représentent une minorité, c’est notamment parce que leur attrait pour une pratique illicite, nocturne et dangereuse est moindre. À partir d’une approche qui touche aux gender studies et à certains concepts traditionnels de l’histoire de l’art, nous cherchons à expliquer l’intérêt généralement plus faible des femmes pour le graffiti. Nous désirons également démontrer comment l’exercice des artistes féminines du graffiti se distingue de celui de leurs homologues masculins. De quelle manière se détermine leur expérience? Leur iconographie sert-elle à les définir? Quelles sont leurs opinions et leurs perceptions sur leur propre culture? Finalement, comment caractérisent-elles leur statut de femme artiste au sein d’une communauté "machiste"? / Graffiti has long been associated with vandalism in the city where it has proliferated. In the same logic of visibility and promotion found in all cities, it has become so integrated into the urban environment that we do not even notice it. Nevertheless, its presence constantly arouses the anger of property owners, citizens, and the municipal authorities who spend large sums of money every year in removal costs. In spite of this, graffiti has become an urban art phenomenon. Graffiti artists have attained fame outside of the subculture and are able to exhibit their work legally, in part, because of an increased interest from the art world. Art institutions and the art market have contributed to the increased craze and enthusiasm for this urban art practice. Graffiti is the expression of an illegitimate identity that appropriates urban surfaces in the city using a fictitious name. Writing and spreading that name as much as possible are core values in the graffiti subculture. Risk taking, challenging authority, and dissidence are values generally understood as being masculine. As well, the archetypal graffiti artist is marginal and rebellious. Understood in this manner, it can be seen that this highly populated subculture is powerfully chauvinistic. Female artists in the graffiti community are a minority, in particular because the appeal for an illicit, dangerous, night time practice is less popular. Using an approach grounded in art history and gender studies, this paper will explore why there is a generally low level of interest for women to practice graffiti. It will also be demonstrated that in practice female graffiti artists distinguish themselves from their male counterparts. How do they qualify their experiences? What kind of iconography do they choose to define themselves? What are their opinions of, and how do they perceive, their own subculture? Finally, how they do characterize their artistic feminine status within a male chauvinist community?

Sverigedemokraterna är ett radikalt högerpopulistiskt parti som fortsätter att öka sedan valet år 2010. Vid en opinionsundersökning i april 2012 skulle partiet få 8 procent av medborgarnas röster. Syftet med vår uppsats är att förstå och förklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund för att allt fler medborgare röstar på Sverigedemokraterna. För att kunna besvara syftet med uppsatsen har vi valt att göra en kvalitativ studie genom att med semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka upplevelser och attityder till dagens samhällsförändringar bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare och relatera deras upplevelser till tidigare forskning inom ämnet. För att besvara vårt syfte blir frågeställningarna följande: På vilket sätt kan SD som parti locka allt fler väljare i dagens globaliserade Sverige? Vilka faktorer kan ligga till grund för att vissa medborgare röstar på SD? Samt vad tror de att SD kan bidra med och förändra i det svenska samhället och mer specifikt för deras egen situation? Vårt teoretiska ramverk är globalisering, representationen ”Vi och Dom”, nation/nationalism och välfärdschauvinism. Med dessa teorier kommer vi ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklara vilka samhällsprocesser som interagerar med väljarnas vardagssituation och därmed ligger till grund för deras politiska beslut. Det slutgiltiga resultatet visar att radikal högerpopulistisk retorik är genomgående i samtliga intervjuer. Invandring och välfärdsfrågor var det viktigaste faktorerna till varför intervjupersonerna röstade på Sverigedemokraterna. / The Sweden Democrats is a radical right wing party who continue to increase since the elections in 2010. At a poll in April 2012, the party would get 8 percent of the votes. The purpose of our paper is to understand and explain the reasons underlying that more and more citizens vote for the Sweden Democrats. To be able to respond to the purpose of the paper, we have chosen to make a qualitative study by using semi-structured interviews examine the experiences and attitudes of today's social changes among the Sweden Democrats ' voters and relate their experiences to the previous research on the subject. To answer our purpose becomes the following questions: In what way can the SD as an increasing number of voters in the party attract today's globalized Sweden? What factors can serve as the basis for that some citizens vote on SD? What do they think that SD can contribute and change in Swedish society and more specifically for their own situation? Our theoretical framework is globalization, representation "We and Them" nation/nationalism and welfare-chauvinism. With these theories we come from a sociological perspective to explain what social processes that interact with voters ' living situation and thus is the basis for their policy decisions. The final result shows that radical right wing rhetoric is consistently in all interviews. Immigration and welfare issues were the main factors why the respondents voted for the Sweden Democrats.

Text in French; abstract in French and English / Observatrice des réalités quotidiennes camerounaises, Calixthe Beyala a publié, en 1987, un roman intitulé C’est le soleil qui m’a brûlée. Dans ce roman, elle montre au lecteur comment la femme, victime de la tradition, utilise, avec l’apport de la modernité, son corps comme moyen pour reconquérir son moi profond, et retrouver sa liberté. En 1994, elle a écrit et publié Assѐze, l’Africaine. Et en 2003, elle a publié Femme nue, femme noire. Après une lecture minutieuse de ces trois livres, le lecteur peut facilement découvrir que Calixthe Beyala place la femme au centre de sa préoccupation littéraire. Et elle examine, dans sa fiction, deux thѐmes: la tradition et la modernité. Qu’entend-elle par tradition et modernité? Comment examine-t-elle ces deux thѐmes dans les ouvrages de notre corpus? Quelles solutions propose-t-elle à la femme, d’une part, pour se libérer du joug de la tradition et de la domination masculine, et d’autre part, pour (re)conquérir son corps, son moi profond et pour son émancipation? / Observer of the daily Cameroonian realities, Calixthe Beyala published, in 1987, a novel entitled C’est le soleil qui m’a brûlée. In this novel, she shows the reader how a woman, victim of tradition, uses her body as means to reconquer herself and to find her freedom. In 1994, she wrote and published Assèze, l’Africane. And in 2003, she published Femme nue, femme noire. After a careful reading of the three novels, the reader can easily discover that Calixthe Beyala places woman in the center of her literary preoccupation. And she examines, in her fiction, two themes, tradition and modernity. What does she mean by tradition and modernity? How does she examine these two themes in the novels of our study? What solutions does she propose to the woman, firstly, to liberate herself from the yoke of tradition and male’s domination, and secondly, to reconquer her body, herself and her emancipation? / Classics and World Languages / M.A. (French)

No description available.

The EU is faced with problems related to the unrestricted access to national welfare states of mobile EU workers. These problems are mainly framed by the growing opposition to the free movement of workers. The strongest contributing factor to these negative attitudes has commonly said to be actor-based, i.e. the media or political elites. However, more recent research has been shifting the focus to institutions as explanatory factor. I raise the question of to what extent individuals’ attitudes towards the free movement of workers are associated with their exposure to different welfare state institutional contexts. More specifically I explore the role of “earnings-relatedness” in specific social insurances for the attitudes of potential benefit claimants. Analyzing 12 EU/EFTA countries who are net receivers of mobile EU workers I find that in welfare state contexts with a high degree of earnings-relatedness the opposition to free movement is significantly lower than otherwise among the unemployed. Furthermore, I discover that these observations seem to vary depending on what part of the social insurance system one is analyzing.

A dynamic movement known as wealth creation education attracts many thousands of people seeking education for the vocation of an entrepreneur in the UK. Entrepreneurship education in these collectives includes venturing know-how but also co-constructs existential meaning and purpose for adherents, a role traditionally fulfilled by religion. This emergent sectarian movement is identified as wealth creationism. Led by charismatic entrepreneurs this newly identified research domain represents rich opportunities to study entrepreneurs in naturally arising settings, but has been neglected and understudied. While publicly subsidised educational support for small-business owners has suffered from low uptake, this study provides new knowledge about the kind of education that is engaged with in large numbers, despite being more expensive. This inquiry critically examines the attraction of these educational collectives and evaluates the social processes of eight wealth creation education providers in England. Teaching content and methods were also investigated. This qualitative study takes an interpreted approach through a social constructionism perspective. Using grounded theory methodology the providers were initially researched through participative observation in the educational settings followed by theoretically sampling data with various collection methods. Interdisciplinary theories, including the sociology of religion, accounted for findings, which were analysed at the meso-group level. The movement teaches entrepreneurship know-how and 'mindset' - ways of thinking and being. Insulating directives of behaviour and the construction of stigmatised out-groups maintain social boundaries. Employing similar narrative features and resources as religious sects, the socially constructed co-extensive nomos and cosmos privileges esoteric knowledge and is closely identified with modern Gnosticism. Participants do not acknowledge religious interpretations of their activities, yet three North American authors provide plausible canonical works that legitimise the movement. Wealth Creationists display entrepreneurial chauvinism, which equates employment with bondage, viewing the employed as slaves. Adherents choose educators with perceived entrepreneurial credibility to lead them on a purposeful mission for the type of knowledge that promises emancipation. This study is significant for both researchers of entrepreneurs and the sociology of religion. It offers participating entrepreneurs critical insights into the charismatic settings, which can be both enabling and disabling for venturing. This study has implications for academics engaged in outreach to small-business owners who may learn from the marketing tactics of these groups, although academics may still lack perceived credibility. Insights into business group formation will be of interest to business group researchers. A map of educational provision may interest researchers and educators of small and microbusiness owners, and those from the fields of entrepreneurial learning.