Europeanisation of Criminal Law Summary Throught the use of common adaptation of the basic principles of criminal law in the european dimension there is a possibility to remove an opacity and inefficiency of individual national and international instruments of criminal law so far. This effort can be the best observed in the procedures of the European Community or European Union. It should all happen by harmonizing laws and strengthening cooperation between the European Union member states. Integration of criminal law is pointed to be done in three main directions. First, it affects substantive criminal law by harmonizing particular merits of criminal offences. Second, it already affected criminal procedure by achieving mutual recognition of judicial decisions. The third way of integration is the institutional framework for judicial cooperation in criminal matters, followed-up by institutions of criminal cooperation. Criminal law as a public law is closely related to the state sovereignty. This fact, even today, suspends the opportunity to create sort of unified system of transnational criminal law within the European Union. Moreover, the very concept of criminal law is not clearly established in European law as it is in Czech law. For example, it includes even different illegal dealings than regular...

The thesis addresses the puzzle of the differential integration of former communist states in the Euro-Atlantic community of nations between 1989 and 2000. Notwithstanding the predominant universalist-rationalist assumption that the adoption of an institutional-administrative blueprint for reform could lead to convergence between East and West, countries such as Poland, Bulgaria and Russia did not converge similarly (or at all) on the West European normative model and framework of international relations. To account for this divergence, the thesis examines the impact of the culturally-historically informed, Polish, Bulgarian and Russian identities and conceptions of 'Europe' (as opposed to the formal-institutional transition from one system to another) on the process of foreign policy transformation. The doctoral research employs Constructivism, Social Psychological insights and an interpretivist methodology, drawing on 75 elite interviews. The main argument states that differential Europeanisation can be understood on the basis of differentiated levels of inclusion and establishment of relations of mutual recognition and belongingness - substantiated by a differentiated extent of ideational affinity (i.e., normative compatibility), which are (re)enacted in the interactive, mutually constitutive process of identification between Self and Other (i.e., between Poland, Bulgaria and Russia and (Western) Europe). Three propositions of 'thick', 'ambivalent' and 'thin' Europeanisation are derived from the argument (whereby the comparative benchmark of Europeanisation is an ideal-typical model of European-ness). Key contributions focus on the development of a refined Constructivist theory and a systematic empirical comparison of Polish, Bulgarian and Russian foreign policy identities. Also, the study's conclusions reinvigorate and reconfirm the importance of the continuity (rather than just constant flux) of culturally-historically shaped patterns of group self-understandings and sub-regional identifications as well as Constructivism's greater plausibility in accounting for the research puzzle than (Neoclassical) Realism through the stipulation of a mutually constitutive relationship between international and domestic factors and between ideational and interest-based considerations.

<p>In a time when a host of new and untested democracies seek membership in international organisations founded on liberal norms, the question of how to include new members without jeopardizing community values has become of growing concern, particularly as the regulation of practices in sovereign states often relies on soft moral or political commitment rather than on hard legal obligation. The Council of Europe’s (CoE) monitoring of new members after entry represents a soft method of socialising newcomers. In the case of Ukraine, this process has been unusually difficult, and full of strife and open confrontation. This experience runs contrary to the belief that soft regulation is either harmonic or impossible. The aim of the thesis is to explore how a regulated process of inclusion develops over time, and to discuss how such a process can safeguard community values.</p><p>The study shows that an interactive dynamic developed between the European and the Ukrainian levels. The political struggle in Ukraine was, through the actions of the political opposition in Ukraine and the CoE’s monitors, transformed into a contest in the CoE over how to interpret Ukraine’s membership promises. European values were protected by the evolution of a mode of governance based on responsiveness to local concerns and on public discussion. In the process, the legal and political systems of the CoE and Ukraine were intertwined in ever more complex webs of dialogue. By being grounded in both the Ukrainian and European political discourses, the process was able to sustain a critical discussion on the terms of the agreement and maintain its relevance for the actors involved. The monitoring process displays how community values and autonomy of a member state can be combined in an unexpected way without resulting in a hierarchical order. This may not fulfil the requirements of the international rule of law, but it is clearly a case of soft and responsive transnational regulation of state practices.</p>

Die Dissertation befasst sich mit den Reformprozessen, die sich vom Zeitpunkt des System-umbruchs 1989/90 bis zum EU-Beitritt 2004 in den Ministerialverwaltungen Estlands und Polens vollzogen haben. Die Veränderungen, die während dieser Zeit stattfanden, standen im Spannungsfeld zweier Prozesse: des von innenpolitischen Erfordernissen geprägten Transformationsprozesses und des Europäisierungsprozesses, in dem die EU als einflussreicher externer Akteur hinzutrat. Konzeptionell greift die Untersuchung auf die Diskussionen aus der institutionellen Transformationsforschung und die Debatten um die Europäisierung von Regierungs- und Verwaltungssystemen zurück. Die Arbeit konzentriert sich auf die Veränderungen auf der zentralstaatlichen Ebene und betrachtet diese Veränderungen in ihrer horizontalen und sektoralen Dimension. Die horizontale Dimension umfasst Rahmenbedingungen des Verwaltungssystems insgesamt, dies sind zentrale Strukturen des Regierungsapparates, die regierungsinternen Koordinationsmechanismen und die Etablierung des öffentlichen Dienstes. In der sektoralen Dimension wird die Verwaltung im Politikfeld Landwirtschaft betrachtet. In beiden Ländern gab es einen gemeinsamen Ausgangspunkt der Entwicklungen, das sozialistische Verwaltungssystem, und einen ähnlichen Zielpunkt der Verwaltungsreformen in den 1990er Jahren: eine wie auch immer definierte „moderne Verwaltung“. Auch die Rahmenbedingungen des EU-Integrationsprozesses in Mittelosteuropa lassen eher Konvergenzen erwarten. Doch spielen nationale politische Konstellationen eine entscheidende Rolle für die Entwicklungen, so dass man bilanzierend sagen kann: Estland und Polen haben mit Beginn der Transformation unterschiedliche nationale Entwicklungspfade eingeschlagen und ihre Verwaltungssysteme unterscheiden sich mittlerweile stärker voneinander als zur Zeit des Sozialismus. / The dissertation is concerned with transformation of ministerial administrations in Estonia and Poland between 1989/90 and EU accession in 2004. Two processes, the transformation process largely determined by domestic politics and the Europeanisation process with the EU entering the arena as a powerful external actor, influenced changes during this period. The theoretical background of the study refers to institutionalist approaches in transformation research and debates on Europeanisation of governmental and administrative systems. The study focuses on developments on central state level, which are analysed in a horizontal and a sectoral dimension. The horizontal dimension covers the framework of the administra-tive system, as there are structures of central state government, coordination mechanisms within government and the establishment of a civil service. In the sectoral dimension administrative structures in agricultural administration are examined. Both countries share a common point of origin, the socialist administrative system and a simi-lar point of arrival, a “modern” administration, however the latter may be defined. The conditions of the EU integration process also lead to the assumption of convergent developments. But in national political constellations have a decisive impact on developments. As a résumé it can be stated that Estonia and Poland entered different national paths of development from the outset of transformation and administrative systems by now differ in a larger degree than in socialist times.

In a time when a host of new and untested democracies seek membership in international organisations founded on liberal norms, the question of how to include new members without jeopardizing community values has become of growing concern, particularly as the regulation of practices in sovereign states often relies on soft moral or political commitment rather than on hard legal obligation. The Council of Europe’s (CoE) monitoring of new members after entry represents a soft method of socialising newcomers. In the case of Ukraine, this process has been unusually difficult, and full of strife and open confrontation. This experience runs contrary to the belief that soft regulation is either harmonic or impossible. The aim of the thesis is to explore how a regulated process of inclusion develops over time, and to discuss how such a process can safeguard community values. The study shows that an interactive dynamic developed between the European and the Ukrainian levels. The political struggle in Ukraine was, through the actions of the political opposition in Ukraine and the CoE’s monitors, transformed into a contest in the CoE over how to interpret Ukraine’s membership promises. European values were protected by the evolution of a mode of governance based on responsiveness to local concerns and on public discussion. In the process, the legal and political systems of the CoE and Ukraine were intertwined in ever more complex webs of dialogue. By being grounded in both the Ukrainian and European political discourses, the process was able to sustain a critical discussion on the terms of the agreement and maintain its relevance for the actors involved. The monitoring process displays how community values and autonomy of a member state can be combined in an unexpected way without resulting in a hierarchical order. This may not fulfil the requirements of the international rule of law, but it is clearly a case of soft and responsive transnational regulation of state practices.

This thesis investigates the Europeanisation of civil society at national level through a case study of the Swedish Women’s Lobby (SWL), an umbrella organisation which serves as the Swedish member of the Brussels-based European Women’s Lobby (EWL). Conceptualising umbrella organisations as ‘meta-organisations’, in Ahrne and Brunsson’s term, Europeanisation is seen as a process which imposes meta-organisational structures on domestic-level civil society. Based largely on semi-structured interviews, the aim of the study is thus to analyse in what ways the women’s movement in Sweden has been affected by the imposed meta-organisational structure. The findings show that while the SWL has been successful in establishing itself as the actor for the Swedish women’s movement, this success also brought with it some problems. The meta-organisational structure has had certain formalising and excluding effects, as well as bringing internal tensions due to overlapping activities and the desire to speak with one voice. Applying a meta-organisation perspective on the Europeanisation of domestic civil society is thus shown to be useful as it contributes an understanding of how the EU has an impact on inter-organisational relations among civil society organisations. / Denna studie undersöker europeiseringen av civilsamhället på nationell nivå genom en fallstudie av Sveriges Kvinnolobby, en paraplyorganisation och den svenska medlemmen i den europeiska kvinnolobbyn – European Women’s Lobby (EWL) – i Bryssel. Paraplyorganisationer förstås i detta sammanhang utifrån Ahrne och Brunssons begrepp metaorganisationer, dvs. ’organisationer av organisationer’. Därmed ses europeisering som en process vilken medför meta-organisatoriska strukturer till civilsamhället på nationell nivå. Studien syftar därmed till att analysera hur kvinnorörelsen i Sverige påverkats av den påbjudna metaorganisatoriska strukturen och baseras främst på semi-strukturerade intervjuer. Resultaten visar att Sveriges Kvinnolobby varit framgångsrik i att etablera sig som aktören för Sveriges kvinnorörelse men att denna framgång även medfört en del problem. Den metaorganisatoriska strukturen har medfört vissa formaliserande och exkluderande effekter, men också interna spänningar på grund av överlappande aktiviteter och lobbyns önskan att tala med en röst. Att applicera ett meta-organisatoriskt perspektiv på europeiseringen av civilsamhället på nationell nivå visar sig därmed vara användbart då det bidrar till förståelsen för hur EU har betydelse för inter-organisatoriska relationer bland civilsamhällets organisationer.

Ireland is facing a great challenge in meeting renewable energy requirements, where due to past circumstances and decisions, the nation state is now heavily dependent on imported fossil fuels. Given the contribution of these imported fossil fuels to global climate change, price instability and supply insecurity, Ireland is under a pressing need to face up to the dilemma of an unsustainably fueled economy. This thesis explores how the EU policy process is helping Ireland to achieve the goals it has set with the EU and how these are being incorporated into the drivers of wind power development in Ireland. This research sought to uncover the dynamic of this relationship - the goodness of fit - through an assessment of three mechanisms of change, namely: Discourses, Directives and Finances, which were drawn on from the theoretical approach of Europeanisation. By doing a combined assessment of these three channels and their influence, this thesis provides a greater understanding of the ways in which the development of wind power in Ireland is influenced by the EU level. The thesis finishes with a concluding discussion on the importance of the national level in this process, as well as the importance of social and community engagement, which despite being previously seen as important, has to date largely manifested as a tokenistic gesture in Ireland. This thesis reasserts it as a common and crucial thread of the renewable energy transition that continuously arose as being pre-eminent during this study.

L’exportation des normes de l’UE vers les pays voisins dans le domaine de la régulation des marchés gaziers et de leurs infrastructures est devenue le leitmotiv de la politique énergétique européenne extérieure. Cette thèse analyse les défis énergétiques auxquels est confrontée l’UE ; elle évalue également la politique européenne en matière de sécurité énergétique vis-à-vis de l’Azerbaïdjan et de l’Algérie ainsi que l’influence transformatrice de l’Union dans ces pays. L’analyse cherche à comprendre si, et dans quelle mesure, l’UE peut exporter ses normes vers les deux fournisseurs gaziers dans le cadre de sa gouvernance énergétique extérieure. La démarche méthodologique met en évidence les limites des explications dominantes de convergence fondées sur l’institutionnalisme rationnel et constructiviste et se propose de les enrichir en s’appuyant sur les cadres analytiques des études de diffusion et du « decentring ». Sur la base d’ouvrages spécialisés, de documents officiels et de 85 entretiens avec des acteurs publics de l’UE, d’Azerbaïdjan et d’Algérie et avec des acteurs privés à Bruxelles, Bakou et Alger, l’analyse cherche à expliquer la plus ou moins grande convergence des normes de l’UE. L’analyse s’attache à la coopération énergétique avec l’UE, les secteurs énergétiques et les projets d’infrastructures des deux pays au travers de six études de cas. La thèse se propose d’élargir la portée des études existantes en intégrant les influences de la situation géopolitique et du marché qui pèsent souvent de manière plus importante que les contraintes européennes et soutient dès lors que la gouvernance énergétique extérieure est seulement durable, si elle est « décentrée ». / The export of EU norms to regulate gas markets and transnational infrastructure has become the leitmotif of EU external energy policy in the neighbourhood. This thesis unpacks the underlying energy policy challenge of the EU, before analysing its approach to ensure energy security towards Azerbaijan and Algeria and examining the Union’s transformative influence. The major question of the research is: How and to which extent can the EU export its energy norms and policies towards both strategic neighbouring suppliers of natural gas, which represent least likely cases of EU external energy governance? The analytical framework sheds light on the limits of major rationalist and constructivist institutionalist explanations in accounting for convergence with EU energy norms and addresses them by drawing on insights from diffusion studies and the decentring framework. Relying on qualitative document and data analysis as well as extensive fieldwork and 85 interviews carried out with EU, Azerbaijani and Algerian officials as well as representatives of energy companies in Brussels, Baku, and Algiers, the research accounts for a varying degree of convergence as the result of an unstable and conflictual process. Examining energy cooperation with the EU, domestic energy sectors and major infrastructure projects within six case studies, the analysis sheds light on EU norm export from a bottom-up perspective of neighbouring public actors. The thesis broadens the scope of existing studies by factoring in geopolitical and market-based constraints and influences, which often outweigh EU coercion and depicts that EU external energy governance can only be sustainable, if it is ‘decentred’.

Parental leave policies have been shown to play a significant role in enhancing gender equality. The European Union has recognised this and has issued a Directive to its Member States, in order to instigate parental leave policy reform. However, not all Member States have sought to implement this. This thesis addresses this problem and seeks to answer the following research question: Why have progressive parental leave policies failed to transfer across the European Union? In doing so, this study also aims to explore the limits of Europeanisation. The research question has been addressed through a qualitative comparative case study of four European Union Member States: Sweden, Denmark, Hungary and Greece. These states have been chosen on the basis of Most Different System Design. The thesis deploys a theoretical framework based upon concepts of Europeanisation and policy mobility and draws particularly on the work of Stone’s four core concepts of policy mobility: Diffusion, Transfer, Convergence, Translation (Stone, 2012). The key factors that have been identified in this study as restricting the potential of a policy to transfer are: institutional surroundings, shared beliefs and norms, internal political dynamics and a lack of force/action from the European Union. These differences have acted to constrain the transferability of progressive parental leave policy across the European Union and therefore the process of Europeanisation in this area.

Reform of the United Nations Security Council has already become an evergreen of international politics. There are many reform proposals, but it's impossible to find satisfactory solution. One of the main candidates for new permanent membership is Germany, which published its bid in 1992. During 90's also emerged first proposals mentioning the possibility of future permanent membership of the European Union. This thesis contributes to debate on Europeanisation of foreign policies of EU member states. The aim is to find out, whether has German bid for permanent membership in the UN Security Council been influenced by membership of Germany in the European Union. For a better recognition of possible Europeanisation effects is German case compared with Japan, which published its bid only one year later and shares similar characteristics to Germany. Content analysis method is used to compare German and Japanese argumentation with regard to four topics: equitable representation, economic power, multilateral cooperation and responsibility.