Orientador: Marco Aurélio Nogueira / Resumo: O trabalho objetiva apreender o pensamento de política internacional de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e as possíveis estratégias de inserção internacional do Brasil diante da leitura cardosiana da configuração e dinâmica do Sistema Internacional. Intenta-se descrever, analisar e identificar a composição teórico-metodológica e as premissas epistemológicas utilizadas por Cardoso na análise da política internacional e, adicionalmente, apreender de que maneira suas visões contribuíram em seus posicionamentos políticos durante o período em que esteve à frente do Executivo Federal, a partir da passagem pelo Itamaraty, como Ministro das Relações Exteriores (1993-2002). Nesse sentido, buscou-se investigar a Política Externa de FHC, a fim de extrair e verificar os padrões conceituais que orientaram suas decisões durante a quadra histórica demarcada. Além de constatar possíveis rupturas e/ou continuidades em seu pensamento, considerando a trajetória cardosiana como intelectual expressivo e personagem político central na transição democrática brasileira, interessa-nos constatar até que ponto o legado do pensamento de Cardoso desenvolvido nos anos sessenta pode ser constatado em seu pensamento de política internacional posterior, já nos anos noventa, com a intensificação dos processos de globalização, diante de um cenário internacional em transição demarcado pelo fim da Guerra Fria e da ordem internacional bipolar. O tema da globalização inseriu-se como o centro das preocupações cardosiana d... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This paper aims to apprehend Fernando Henrique Cardoso's thoughts on international politics and the potential strategies for Brazil's international insertion in face of the Cardosian reading of the configuration and dynamics of the International System. It is intended to describe, analyze and identify the theoretical-methodological composition and the epistemological premises used by Cardoso in the analysis of international politics and, additionally, to understand how his views contributed to his political positions during the period in which he was in charge of the Executive Federal Government, following his visit to Itamaraty, as Minister of Foreign Affairs (1993-2002). In this sense, we sought to investigate FHC's Foreign Policy to extract and verify the conceptual patterns that guided its decisions during the demarcated historical court. Besides remarking possible ruptures and /or continuities in his thinking, considering the Cardosian trajectory as an expressive intellectual and central political character in the Brazilian democratic transition, we are interested in understanding to what degree the legacy of Cardoso's thoughts developed in the sixties can be found in his thought of later international politics, already in the nineties, with the intensification of the processes of globalization, in face of an international scenario of transition demarcated by the end of the Cold War and the bipolar international order. The theme of globalization was inserted as the cente... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Resumen: Este artículo tiene como objetivo comprender el pensamiento de Fernando Henrique Cardoso sobre la política internacional y las posibles estrategias de inserción internacional de Brasil frente a la lectura cardosiana de la configuración y la dinámica del Sistema Internacional. Su objetivo es describir, analizar e identificar la composición teórico-metodológica y las premisas epistemológicas utilizadas por Cardoso en el análisis de la política internacional y, además, comprender cómo sus puntos de vista contribuyeron a sus posiciones políticas durante el período en el que estuvo a cargo del Ejecutivo. Gobierno Federal, luego de su visita a Itamaraty, como Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores (1993-2002). En este sentido, buscamos investigar la Política Exterior de FHC para extraer y verificar los patrones conceptuales que guiaron sus decisiones durante la corte histórica demarcada. Además de señalar posibles rupturas y / o continuidades en su pensamiento, considerando la trayectoria cardosiana como un carácter político intelectual y central expresivo en la transición democrática brasileña, nos interesa ver hasta qué punto el legado del pensamiento de Cardoso desarrollado en los años sesenta se puede encontrar en su pensamiento de la política internacional posterior, ya en los años noventa, con la intensificación de los procesos de globalización, frente a un escenario internacional de transición marcado por el fin de la Guerra Fría y el orden internacional bipolar. El tema de la gl... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Doutor

The arrest of Meng Wanzhou and the Huawei prosecution have revealed a mounting battle for high-tech supremacy between the United States and China. The ongoing technology war and the trade war are merely one dimension of a far-reaching and accelerating imperialist rivalry. The changing reality on the world stage has urged a reconsideration of the thesis of transnational capitalist class (TCC) and theory of globalization in general. By reviewing the historical debate between the globalist and critical realist schools, I argue that William Carroll’s theoretical frame of global capitalism grounded in corporate network research through emphasizing a dialectical process of the ‘making’ of the TCC is better equipped to explain the unfolding Sino-U.S. conflict. Following Carroll’s multilayered approach to corporate network research, I conduct a corporate network analysis to examine the directorate interlocks of 40 Chinese transnational corporations (TNCs) selected from the Fortune Global 500 list. My study has found that the transnational networks of Chinese TNCs have remained considerably sparse, contained within condensed national networks. The globalization of Chinese TNCs and Chinese corporate elite has been modest and has not undermined or replaced the national base. This is due to two crucial reasons: the statist character of Chinese capitalist class and the regionalized development of global capitalism and class formation. In concordance with Carroll’s network research of Western companies, my study of corporate China reaffirms the fragility of the TCC, its internal friction, and potential decomposition. It also provides a material ground for analyzing the Sino-U.S. inter-imperialist rivalry as a structural development out of global capitalism and its class relations. My thesis study, therefore, offers the first attempt to draw a direct linkage between corporate network formation and geopolitical conflict. / Graduate

Aid is an important topic in development sector current discussions are polarised thereby creating a need for further research. This essay assesses the role that Malawi and Zambia plays in realising its development outcomes including in the area of health. There is a need to appreciate the variables that contribute to the inability of most countries in sub-Saharan Africa to finance their domestic expenditure related to healthcare. In this situation, foreign aid which has received marked interest by scholars over the past decade and is used to supplement incomes of developing countries like Malawi and Zambia. Debate on the effectiveness of aid is polarised, while highly concerned scholars see aid as ineffective and a contributor to the poor performance of economies in developing countries, others see it as essential in the achievement of development outcomes. This thesis explores the extent to which development assistance contributes to dependency in Malawi and Zambia. It further examines the link between aid and the Malawian and Zambian health sectors. The study similarly considers the role of development assistance for health in realising outcomes related to maternal health in line with SDG 3.1. By identifying two countries in sub-Saharan Africa, this essay underscores the similarities between Malawi and Zambia analysed through a historical context, health systems structures, child and maternal mortality rates and health programme models. The essay concludesthat social, political and economic barriers present challenges in financing healthcare in Malawi and Zambia. Aid contributes to dependency in the study countries.

Operating through complex supply chains and multiple jurisdictions, today’s business enterprises can outsource manufacturing to different parts of the world where they can take advantage of low labour- and production costs. In the global quest for businesses to maximise their profits, deteriorating working conditions for offshore labour workers are increasing the risks of human rights abuses. Such abuses often take the form of ‘modern slavery’, which refers to situations of exploitation in which labour workers are trapped and unable to leave due to threats, violence, deception, abuse of power or other forms of coercion. In 2015, the United Kingdom (UK) enacted the Modern Slavery Act (MSA), aimed at combatting modern slavery by requiring business enterprises to be transparent with the steps they have taken to ensure that modern slavery is not taking place within their supply chains. By putting pressure on business enterprises to display their actions taken to address adverse human rights impacts, the MSA has brought the responsibility of business enterprises to conduct ‘human rights due diligence’ (HRDD) – as stipulated in the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) - into domestic law. While the MSA has been regarded as a ‘world-leading instrument’ and a ‘historic milestone’ by the UK government, its effectiveness in counteracting modern slavery has been questioned in various studies, pointing towards a risk that the MSA is allowing human rights abuses to prevail under a form of a legal veil. Bearing in mind the country’s long colonial history, the enactment of the MSA can be seen as carrying an important symbolic value for the UK when it comes to taking accountability for human rights abuses committed overseas. However, adopting weak or ineffective legislation could instead, paradoxically, reflect an interest by the UK government to maintain beneficial trade relationships based on exploitative working conditions in a manner that reflects a continuation of former colonial power structures. This thesis is set out to examine this potential paradox by analysing the MSA’s level of compliance with the UNGPs from a postcolonial perspective.

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This thesis investigates the capacity of the newly introduced Chinese Special Economic Zones in Africa (CSEZAs) to deliver ‘cooperation' and ‘mutual development' to China and Africa. Referring to existing scholarship on other forms of liberal spatial economics, it addresses the conceptual, methodological and theoretical void in which the subject of CSEZAs evolves in academia. As extensive global interactive processes are identified in the schema of the CSEZA, this thesis advocates Andre Gunder Frank's Dependency Theory as the appropriate prism through which to explicate the new zone format. Empirical data about the seven CSEZAs outline the problematic and development-conducive aspects of the zone model. It is argued here that the failure to customise the SEZ model to the African context is what corrodes the developmental prospects of the CSEZAs. The Mauritius JinFei Economic and Trade Cooperation Zone is taken as an example of a problematic CSEZA. A detailed analysis of the Mauritian case allows a visualisation of the respective role of China and the African state in the CSEZA context. As the exploitative and non-developmental nature of the CSEZA model (in its current form), is established, this thesis concludes that the CSEZA gives a new interpretation to the traditional practice of dependency. This new version, nonetheless, exacerbates the dialectic development-underdevelopment processes integral to the global capitalist economy.

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des Études supérieures En vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit des affaires (LL.M.)" / La création du GATT en 1947 par les pays occidentaux a consacré un nouvel ordre commercial international. Son but consistait à faciliter les échanges commerciaux et poursuivre le développement économique. Pour cela, la réglementation du GATT visait surtout à l'application d'une politique commerciale qui consiste à démanteler les obstacles aux échanges, proscrire toute discrimination commerciale entre les pays membres et entre les marchandises importées et les marchandises locales. En ce sens l'article 1er du GATT de 1947 (devenu OMC en 1995) pose le principe cardinal du traitement de la nation la plus favorisée, c'est-à-dire un traitement égal à tous les pays participant au GATT. Mais l'arrivée des nouveaux pays indépendants dans les années 1960 a changé la nature juridique du GATT parce qu'au point de vue économique il y avait trop de disparités entre les pays. Il y a eu donc la nécessité de tenir compte de la réalité économique de ces pays, de faire en sorte qu'ils puissent rattraper le retard dans le processus de développement, et de pouvoir aussi équilibrer les échanges commerciaux. L'adoption en 1964 de la Partie IV du GATT, intitulée commerce et développement, consacre la non réciprocité commerciale en faveur des pays en développement, et officialise par la même occasion une dualité des normes parce que les deux catégories de parties contractantes appliquent différemment les principes du Gatt. Il devient alors pertinent d'étudier cette asymétrie juridique qui devait compenser l'inégalité de développement des pays insuffisamment développés. Selon le credo des libéraux de l'époque, les PED peuvent se développer économiquement par des échanges commerciaux. Mais, en dépit des traitements préférentiels qui sont accordés aux pays en développement, ils n'arrivent pas à se développer, leur balance commerciale est déficitaire, leur productivité est faible. En faisant une étude globale sur la situation des pays en développement, nous traiterons en particulier le cas du Niger et du Bénin. Cette recherche sert: d'abord à voir les effets du libéralisme économique sur les pays économiquement faibles, ensuite susciter l'intérêt à étudier le développement économique des pays en dehors d'une dualité des normes qui n'apporte pas de résultats escomptés. / The creation of GATT in 1947 by western countries has set a new international order trade that would facilitate trade exchanges and moves forward economic development around the world. For that reasbn GATT regulations aimed above aIl at the application of a trade policy that consists of getting rid of the hindrances to the exchanges, and proscribe discriminatory trade exchanges between countries and imported and exported local merchandizes. Indeed article 1 in GATT regulations in 1947 (became WTO in 1995) poses the cardinal mIe of treatment of the nation which is more privileged, that is an equal treatment for aIl countries that are members of GATT. But the arrivaI of the new independent countries III 1960 has changed the juridical nature of GATT because economically the gap was too huge between the countries. So it is important to take into account the economic reality of the poor countries to set a strategic policy that will help them out. With that policy they will be able to catch up with the new era of development and trade exchanges around the world will be fair. The adoption in 1964 of the Part 4 of GATT regulations entitled trade and development favours the non-reciprocity trade to developing countriesand makes official at the same occasion a duality of norms because the two categories of members put into the application the mIes ofGATT differently. This research aims at studying this asymmetrical politic that would compensate the inequality of the development of poor countries, and would also provide them an economic development by the means of trade exchanges. ln spite of the preferential treatments given to the developing countries, theyare not yet making any progress because their trade balance is deficient, and their productivity is worthless. In doing a broader research on the situation of developing countries, we will focus particularly on the situations of Niger and Benin. This research would serve first to analyse the effects of the economic liberalism on the poor countries; secondly create the interest to study the economic development of the countries out of the asymmetrical politic that do not bring any attempted results.

This diploma thesis deals with inequalities within the Word economic development. The development is conceived in the context of world systems theory for the proper evaluation of this development. The question, whether there is a convergence or divergence across countries and groups of countries is an important question of contemporary studies of globalization. While proponents of modernization theory tend to say that countries converge, adherents of world systems theory mostly think the opposite. Another contribution of this work is the evaluation of economic development not based only on the production capabilities and growth. The approach is more complex and includes the development of the society as a whole. Therefore, Human development index was used for analysis and the researched period was set to 1980-2014 due to data availability. The analysis deals not only with inequalities between the parts of the world system, but partially also with inequalities within these parts. The theoretical part consists of discussion of the existing studies of world systems and economic development and explains the necessary terms and context. Practical part is made of own regionalization of the world into three parts of the world system (core, semiperiphery and periphery) based on criteria chosen according to...

La création du GATT en 1947 par les pays occidentaux a consacré un nouvel ordre commercial international. Son but consistait à faciliter les échanges commerciaux et poursuivre le développement économique. Pour cela, la réglementation du GATT visait surtout à l'application d'une politique commerciale qui consiste à démanteler les obstacles aux échanges, proscrire toute discrimination commerciale entre les pays membres et entre les marchandises importées et les marchandises locales. En ce sens l'article 1er du GATT de 1947 (devenu OMC en 1995) pose le principe cardinal du traitement de la nation la plus favorisée, c'est-à-dire un traitement égal à tous les pays participant au GATT. Mais l'arrivée des nouveaux pays indépendants dans les années 1960 a changé la nature juridique du GATT parce qu'au point de vue économique il y avait trop de disparités entre les pays. Il y a eu donc la nécessité de tenir compte de la réalité économique de ces pays, de faire en sorte qu'ils puissent rattraper le retard dans le processus de développement, et de pouvoir aussi équilibrer les échanges commerciaux. L'adoption en 1964 de la Partie IV du GATT, intitulée commerce et développement, consacre la non réciprocité commerciale en faveur des pays en développement, et officialise par la même occasion une dualité des normes parce que les deux catégories de parties contractantes appliquent différemment les principes du Gatt. Il devient alors pertinent d'étudier cette asymétrie juridique qui devait compenser l'inégalité de développement des pays insuffisamment développés. Selon le credo des libéraux de l'époque, les PED peuvent se développer économiquement par des échanges commerciaux. Mais, en dépit des traitements préférentiels qui sont accordés aux pays en développement, ils n'arrivent pas à se développer, leur balance commerciale est déficitaire, leur productivité est faible. En faisant une étude globale sur la situation des pays en développement, nous traiterons en particulier le cas du Niger et du Bénin. Cette recherche sert: d'abord à voir les effets du libéralisme économique sur les pays économiquement faibles, ensuite susciter l'intérêt à étudier le développement économique des pays en dehors d'une dualité des normes qui n'apporte pas de résultats escomptés. / The creation of GATT in 1947 by western countries has set a new international order trade that would facilitate trade exchanges and moves forward economic development around the world. For that reasbn GATT regulations aimed above aIl at the application of a trade policy that consists of getting rid of the hindrances to the exchanges, and proscribe discriminatory trade exchanges between countries and imported and exported local merchandizes. Indeed article 1 in GATT regulations in 1947 (became WTO in 1995) poses the cardinal mIe of treatment of the nation which is more privileged, that is an equal treatment for aIl countries that are members of GATT. But the arrivaI of the new independent countries III 1960 has changed the juridical nature of GATT because economically the gap was too huge between the countries. So it is important to take into account the economic reality of the poor countries to set a strategic policy that will help them out. With that policy they will be able to catch up with the new era of development and trade exchanges around the world will be fair. The adoption in 1964 of the Part 4 of GATT regulations entitled trade and development favours the non-reciprocity trade to developing countriesand makes official at the same occasion a duality of norms because the two categories of members put into the application the mIes ofGATT differently. This research aims at studying this asymmetrical politic that would compensate the inequality of the development of poor countries, and would also provide them an economic development by the means of trade exchanges. ln spite of the preferential treatments given to the developing countries, theyare not yet making any progress because their trade balance is deficient, and their productivity is worthless. In doing a broader research on the situation of developing countries, we will focus particularly on the situations of Niger and Benin. This research would serve first to analyse the effects of the economic liberalism on the poor countries; secondly create the interest to study the economic development of the countries out of the asymmetrical politic that do not bring any attempted results. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des Études supérieures En vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit des affaires (LL.M.)"

Esta tese é um estudo sobre as condições do desenvolvimento político, econômico e social da Indonésia contemporânea, com ênfase no período posterior à queda do General Suharto, em 1998. Colônia holandesa até o final da Segunda Guerra Mundial, a Indonésia enfrentou as dificuldades costumeiras dos países do Terceiro Mundo: peso da herança colonial, pressões externas no clima da guerra fria, conflitos internos quanto às formas de governo, pendendo para soluções autoritárias. O autor procurou caracterizar o modelo de inserção do país no sistema-mundo, assinalando as relações de dependência e as possibilidades de autonomia resultantes da complexa interação entre seus grupos sociais internos e agentes externos. Pela análise da trajetória recente, da estrutura social, das condições do sistema produtivo e dos padrões do comércio exterior da Indonésia, observou-se que o modelo de desenvolvimento atual, por um lado, não corresponde necessariamente a uma ruptura da dependência em relação ao centro do sistema, mas, por outro, abre espaço a iniciativas de cooperação com outras nações do Sul geopolítico. A tese reconstitui o processo de construção do modelo, as tensões sociais e políticas resultantes das escolhas das elites dirigentes do arquipélago e os limites e perspectivas de parcerias com países de características semelhantes no mundo em desenvolvimento, como o Brasil. / This thesis is a study on the conditions of political, economic and social development in contemporary Indonesia, emphasizing the period after the fall of General Suharto in 1998. A Dutch colony until the end of World War II, Indonesia faced the usual difficulties of Third World countries: the burden of its colonial legacy, external pressures from all sides during the Cold War, internal conflicts related to its political system, which often tended towards authoritarian solutions. The author sought to characterize how Indonesia was integrated into the World-System, pointing out the dependency relationships and the possibilities of autonomy resulting from the complex interaction between domestic social groups and external agents. By analyzing Indonesia’s recent history, social structure, economic production and foreign trade patterns, it was noted that although the Indonesian current development model does not necessarily breaks its dependence on the center of the World-System, it somehow favors initiatives in cooperation with other nations of the South. The thesis is concerned with the constitution of the Indonesian development model, the social and political tensions resulting from the choices of elites in the archipelago and the limits and prospects for partnerships between Indonesia and similar countries in the developing world, like Brazil.