Unlike many other international instruments, accession to the WTO does not simply require the commitment of the government to sign and ratify the multilateral agreements. A country needs to make considerable legislative and administrative changes to comply with the standards of the WTO and its members to finalize the negotiation for accession. For governments with impure free market economy policy the challenges amplify. The government of Ethiopia publicly pronounces its adherence to the ideology of the developmental state. On the other hand the nucleus of WTO principles is progressive trade liberalization. Therefore, this dissertation tries to provide some reflection on the paradox created as a result of the divergence in priority between WTO principles and developmental state in the context of Ethiopian desire to join the organization. The research is an interdisciplinary work. The issues that will be discussed are not purely legal in their nature. They have legal, political and economic dimensions. And the main focus of the paper is on trade in services and foreign investment negotiation aspect of the accession. Furthermore the objective of the dissertation is to give some insight for policy makers about the challenges and opportunities that „Developmental State‟ ideology will pose in the accession process of Ethiopia to the WTO. The research is divided into five chapters. Chapter one gives introductory remarks about the concept of the developmental state and accession to the WTO. The limitations of the WTO accession process and an overview of the features of developmental state in the world and particularly in Ethiopia are also briefly discussed in the chapter. The origin and concept of developmental state in the world, in Africa and Ethiopia is discussed in some detail under chapter two. The chapter also tries to show the impact of developmental state policies in the laws of the country that are going to be deliberated in the process of accession. Chapter three is about accession to the WTO. In this chapter the requirements, benefits, challenges and procedures of accession are dealt in depth. The writer debates and tries to show the fact that the system is slowly shifting from rule based negotiation to power and precedent based negotiation. By analyzing the laws of Ethiopia that are inspired by the principles of developmental state against the legal and precedent requirements to join the WTO, I tried to correlate the findings of chapter two and three in chapter four. Specific strategies and advises on how to move the negotiation forward on certain areas are also outlined in this chapter. Finally, conclusion and my summarized recommendations are placed under chapter five. / Economics / LL. M. (with specialization in International Economic Law)

The use of renewable energy as part of the solution for stabilising global warming has been promoted in industrialised countries for the past three decades. In the last ten years, China, a non-democratic and less-developed state, has implemented non-hydro alternative energy sources through top-down, technology-oriented measures and expanded its renewable energy capacity with unprecedented speed and breadth. This phenomenon seems to contradict to the principle of orthodox environmental governance, in which stakeholder participation is deemed as necessary condition for effective policy outcomes. Given that little research has been conducted on environmental politics in an authoritarian context, I first set out to explore the role of the Chinese state in enabling transformation of the renewable energy sector and to understand the ways in which policy elites seek to introduce developmental state and ecological modernisation strategy in the policy area. Second, by adopting principal-agent theory, I explicate how the governance mechanisms have been deployed and how challenges of the expansion of the sector in the governance system with a large territory have being mitigated. Based upon news reports, policy documents, and interviews with 32 provincial officials, business leaders, academic researchers, and NGO practitioners in two subnational governments, I argue that the renewable energy development in China is governed through a hybrid mode of environmental policy model that uses, upon the existing developmental state regime, ecological modernisation as a policy paradigm, which is partially incorporated in the process. Ultimately, I examine in this thesis the possibility of an alternative form of environmental governance in which renewable energy can be diffused in a less-participatory manner, with more direct controls and target-oriented state intervention measures. This thesis challenges the orthodox assumption that the inclusive mode of governance are the only capable form of environmental governance that reaches desired policy outcomes of renewable energy deployment.

La planification de la politique économique au Brésil a été proposée dans les années 1950 avec le but de promouvoir l'indépendance et le développement économique du pays. Cette planification serait réalisée grâce à l'intervention de l'État par le contrôle de l'économie et des marchés, et par la création des entreprises publiques et des secteurs prioritaires, y compris l'énergie. L'État a créé Petrobras dans le but d'encourager la croissance économique du pays, afin de faire croître le pays grâce au contrôle des cycles de production. C’est pourquoi le gouvernement commença à assumer la croissance et à financer les investissements nécessaires pour construire un environnement industriel pour le Brésil. La création de Petrobras se passa avant même la connaissance du sous-sol brésilien ainsi qu’au début de l'extraction pétrolière, croyant en la capacité productrice du Brésil. La planification développementaliste s’est prolongée dans tous les gouvernements, en l’adaptant afin d'évoluer, mais en devenant plus présent par le soutien du secteur privé. Grâce à la politique nationaliste et interventionniste dans l'économie, cela a été caractérisé par l'implication des parties de gauche et de droite, à savoir, le nationalisme n'a pas été dépendent de leur positionnement politique, mais plutôt de l'idéologie économique défendue. Ainsi, la création de Petrobras a été un acte de foi dans la vie politique, un élément de volonté et d’engagement de l’État en faveur du développement de l'énergie, devenant la base de l'économie du Brésil. / In the 1950s, a strategy for Brazil's economic policy was proposed with the goal of promoting economic development and independence. This goal would be accomplished through government intervention, state control of markets, and the division of state-owned and private sectors. The state created Petrobras whose purpose was to encourage economic growth within the energy sector. Through Petrobras, the government began to subsidize the infrastructure necessary to build an industrial profile. Petrobras' creation occurred prior the knowledge of the true wealth of Brazilian natural resources and prior to any active drilling. The state believed and trusted in Brazilian ingenuity and capacity for production. Subsequent administrations continued this policy with support from the private sector, though the policy itself has evolved over time to adapt to modern society. This nationalistic policy and economic interventionism was characteristic of both left and right political parties, demonstrating an economic ideology that transcended political idealism. In a sense, the creation of Petrobras was an act of faith on the part of the state to allow for the development of the energy sector, and the faith state showed in Brazilian resourcefulness was rewarded by an ensuing economic prosperity for the entire country. / O planejamento da política econômica no Brasil foi proposto nos anos 1950 com intuito de promover a independência e o desenvolvimento econômico do país. Seria realizado por meio da intervenção do Estado pelo controle da economia e de mercados, e através da criação de estatais e de setores prioritários, dentre eles a energia. O Estado criou a Petrobras cuja proposta visava incentivar o crescimento econômico por meio próprio, ou seja, crescer através da detenção dos ciclos produtivos. O governo passou a assumir, então, o crescimento e a arcar com os investimentos necessários para a construção de um perfil industrial. A criação da Petrobras aconteceu mesmo antes do conhecimento sobre o subsolo brasileiro ou do início das extrações, pois acreditava-se e confiava-se na capacidade brasileira de produzir. O planejamento desenvolvimentista se estendeu por todos os governos que sucederam, adaptando à proposta à fim de evoluir, mas mantendo-se presente justamente pelo apoio do setor privado. Através da política nacionalista e do intervencionismo da economia, teve como característica o envolvimento com partidos de esquerda e de direita, ou seja, o nacionalismo não dependia de posicionamento político, mas de vertentes de ideologia econômica. De certo modo, a criação da Petrobras foi um ato de fé da política, um elemento de vontade do Estado em prol do desenvolvimento energético, como base da economia brasileira.

Submitted by Ligia Zagato (lizagato@gmail.com) on 2018-01-12T13:06:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lígia Zagato.pdf: 694353 bytes, checksum: f6436ffd49840e6dea694c1b0d9ba013 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2018-01-12T13:15:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Lígia Zagato.pdf: 694353 bytes, checksum: f6436ffd49840e6dea694c1b0d9ba013 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-12T19:16:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lígia Zagato.pdf: 694353 bytes, checksum: f6436ffd49840e6dea694c1b0d9ba013 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-19 / Com base na análise histórica do processo de desenvolvimento dos Países Atualmente Desenvolvidos (PADs), são debatidas as condições necessárias para que os Países Industrializados em Desenvolvimento (PIDs) possam completar seus catching ups no século XXI. Nesse sentido, dado que esses países já se industrializaram, mas ainda não atingiram os mesmos padrões de produtividade dos PADs, eles precisarão contar com Estados Desenvolvimentistas (EDs) que promovam o equilíbrio das suas condições de competição de modo a possibilitar seus desenvolvimentos econômicos. Isso deve incluir, primeiro, a promoção de sofisticação produtiva, principalmente por meio da provisão de incentivos ao P&D. Segundo, a garantia da estabilidade dos preços macroeconômicos, especialmente da taxa de câmbio, de modo a conter a sobrevalorização de suas moedas que restringe o acesso à demanda por empresas produzindo no estado de arte internacional. Terceiro, a consideração das circunstâncias internacionais criadas pelo capitalismo financeiro-rentista, no qual o liberalismo continua como mainstream econômico. / By analyzing the history of the development process of the Now-Developed Countries (NDCs), we investigate the conditions needed so that the Industrialized Developing Countries (IDCs) could complete their catching ups in the 21st century. The supported hypothesis is that since these countries have already a high level of industrialization but have not reached the same productivity levels of the NDCs yet, they should have Developmental States (DSs) to promote an equalization of their conditions of competition. This should include, firstly, the promotion of their productive sophistication, mainly through the provision of incentives to R&D. Secondly, the safeguard of the stability of the macroeconomic prices, especially that of the foreign exchange rate to constrain the overvaluing of their currencies that restrict the access to real demand of enterprises producing in the international state of art. Thirdly, the consideration of the international circumstances created by the financial-rentier capitalism, in which liberalism remains as the economic mainstream.

This Dissertation explores the impact of the European Union's (EU) Cohesion Policy (and its structural and investment funds) on the transnationalization and subsequent transformation of state in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The Cohesion Policy is commonly known as a redistribution framework which transfers developmental aid from the West European core to the less developed periphery of South Europe and CEE through the EU budget. The dissertation explores the impact of this core-peripheral redistribution from a critical perspective in the Comparative Capitalism (CC) scholarship. More concretely, it focuses on the so-called Visegrád states - Czechia, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia - and their dependent market economies between the EU eastern enlargement in 2004 and the mid-2010s. This generates the first main contribution by bringing the EU structural funds into the CC debates on CEE which are mostly preoccupied with the impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on the transnationalization of Visegrád states. The contribution is impossible without historicizing the role of Cohesion Policy in shaping the EU historical core-peripheral relations since the late 1980s. Such a historization facilitates the second main contribution when examining how the post-2004 CEE integration transforms these...

This thesis is concerned with civil society organisations (CSOs) and the challenges of facilitating sustainable societal transformation in Africa, focusing on the case of Ethiopia. The thesis underlines the fact that the conceptualisation of civil society is controversial. Some western scholars argue that the Enlightenment period in Europe provided the bedrock for the foundation of „modern‟ CSOs. As a result, they believed that the life patterns and „traditional‟ social organising practices of Africans, Asians and other societies of the world are incompatible with the civilised world. This outlook constitutes the mainstream view that has played an uncontested role in the decades of development in Africa. Proponents of African and „traditional‟ perspectives of civil society, however, argue that many nations in Africa have centuries-old humanism and a history of volunteerism and civic institutions, which form the backbone of their social fabric. They argue that Africa has its own rich culture and civilisation which is the bedrock for generating and developing healthy human societies and effectively functioning CSOs on the continent. These African civic cultures nurture character and intellect within communities and social spaces despite the challenges of colonialism, globalisation and other external pressures. For this reason, they challenge western-based perspectives on „modern‟ CSOs. Given the predominance of and the tension in these two perspectives, this thesis calls for a re-examination of the concepts, meanings and practices of CSOs and the exploration of the role of „traditional‟ CSOs in facilitating societal transformation in contemporary Ethiopia, Africa. In so doing, it critically examines how the tensions in various international development agendas have led to the legitimisation and proliferation of „modern‟ and western-based non-governmental organisation (NGO) interventions in Africa, and then discusses the way the civil society sector, particularly „traditional‟ CSOs, is side-lined owing to the funding formulas that regard western-based NGOs as preferred development partners. For this, the thesis takes a case-based approach to the study of „traditional‟ CSOs in Ethiopia, and examines their goals and practices leading to social transformation experiences by reviewing the political history, genesis and civic functions of CSOs and the social changes at grassroots levels. The thesis also analyses the ways in which local communities organise their „traditional‟ associations and collectively engage in social action to transform their communities. It also highlights the negative implications of the neoliberal theoretical discourses and the developmental state approaches in relation to „traditional‟ African CSOs. In conclusion, the thesis suggests critical pathways for harnessing the role of „traditional‟ African CSOs in the future societal transformation process in Africa. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

本文所要討論的重點是台灣紡織業在外移與轉型的過程中，國家機關所扮演的角色，並探究在過去與現在不同的階段中國家的角色是否有所變化，研究範圍是台灣的上市紡織公司。而本文所指的外移是在國外擁有生產線；而轉型則包括了紡織業的轉業或轉投資，以及進行產業升級與提昇產品競爭力。 紡織業是國民政府遷台後，首先發展的重要產業，而紡織業之所以能夠發展，除了大陸來台的紡織資本外，因為紡織業具有創匯快的特性，因此政府提供了保護與優惠的措施，加上美援的因素都使得台灣紡織業在1950年代之後得以發展，而這也是發展型國家（Developmental State）由國家機關帶短產業發展的實例。 但1990年代之後的台灣紡織業面臨了各項生產成本的提高與工時減少，及資金不易取得等不利因素，國外的保護主義亦使得出口受到阻礙，使得台灣紡織業的獲利空間和競爭力逐漸遭到壓縮，面臨這樣的困境，台灣紡織業選擇的是將生產線外移或從事於轉業或轉投資，以及產業升級與提昇產品競爭力，藉以增加獲利空間。而本文所討論的重點即是在於面對台灣紡織業的困境、外移以及轉型的過程當中，國家機關所提出的輔導與協助措施，探究這些措施對於台灣紡織業的發展是否有所助益，以及給予正面的效果？在目前紡織業的發展上國家是否仍扮演重要的角色？ 本文的研究發現：面臨紡織業發展上的困境，以及外移轉型的選擇，國家機關即使提供了若干的政策及計畫，可是成效卻是有限。本文認為，紡織業外移轉型的選擇與國家角色的式微是全球化趨勢的表徵，因為全球化使得國家能力與國家自主性減弱，無法如過去以強國家(Strong State)的型態保護與協助產業的成長；相較於廠商經過了國家機關過去的保護與協助以及資本積累的過程，可以運用比較利益尋求低廉的生產成本，或開拓市場等因素進行跨國的投資；進行轉業或轉投資也是廠商為尋求獲利而進行的自發性策略，並不需要國家機關的協助；在產業升級與提昇產品競爭力方面，雖然國家提供了諸多輔導與協助計畫和措施，亦有部分成效，但仍無法徹底改變台灣紡織業偏重製造但研發能力薄弱的生產結構。對照於過去台灣國家機關的角色，發現目前國家機關的角色在產業發展中有弱化的現象。 最後，本文將針對研究出的結果，提出研究發現及研究建議，認為在目前的國家機關不可能再扮演領導產業發展的角色，也無法扮演管制者的角色，而是作為輔導者與支持者的角色，提供產業發展良好的投資環境，協助方式上則是在不違反市場原則下，協助業者提升在市場上的競爭力。

除了日本以外的亞洲四小龍國家，歷經了第二次世界大戰以來的高度經濟成長，這樣的經濟成就，被喻為「東亞經濟奇蹟」。觀察這些東亞國家的經濟發展軌跡，大致上可以得到一個共通的現象，即國家在經濟發展方面所扮演的重要角色，和作為後發工業化國家為了追趕上已工業化國家所採取的「發展型國家模式」。這套模式在東亞不同經濟體的運作上，展現出不同的細微樣貌，但真正對此經濟發展模式提出挑戰的，則是一九九七年東亞金融危機的爆發。 金融危機的爆發，標誌著冷戰以來的國際政治經濟環境已經起了很大的變化，這套發展模式的持續性、頑強性與適用性在全球化的時代也因此受到關注。在亞洲四小龍中，韓國一度受到金融危機的創傷頗深，然而韓國卻又在金融危機發生後的十年過後，重新成為世界經濟發展舞台上一個表現亮眼的角色，這其中的轉折令人相當的好奇也引發筆者的研究興趣。 本文的研究目的，在試圖釐清曾經受金融危機重創的韓國，於此一事件發生前後的國內政治經濟結構和環境的變化，以求探究「發展型國家模式」在後金融危機、受到國際貨幣基金援助，和接受全球化的韓國，所發生的轉變與變遷的方向，並藉此尋求韓國在後金融危機經濟重新復甦的解釋，和全球化、「發展型國家模式」，以及國家角色，彼此之間理論調和的可能性。 <a href=http://www.gospelaudio.com/ >free music download sites</a> <a href=http://www.musicfrost.com/ >musica mp3</a> / The Asian Tigers, followed by flying geese model of Japan, enjoyed high economic growth since the World War II. These East Asian countries, commonly shared an economic development , which was “developmental state”, further labeled and highlighted the role of state in the economic development stage for the late comers in the process of industrialization. Not until the outbreak of 1997 financial crisis in the East Asia, did this model face challenge and arouse severe academical discussion. The outbreak of 1997 East Asia financial crisis marked the huge change in the world political and economical environment, hence the robust effect of the developmental state model has also been questioned. The purpose of this paper aims doing the case study of South Korea, explaining the factors how and why South Korea can return to its high economic development even faced such impact as financial crisis. How much did the developmental state model contribute in this period? Or how much did this model evolve in the globalization era, especially when South Korea received the bailout of IMF? The author also tries to study the possibility for the reconciliation of different point such as: globalization, developmental state model, role of state in the economic development, and etc. <a href=http://www.gospelaudio.com/ >free music download sites</a> <a href=http://www.musicfrost.com/ >musica mp3</a>

This thesis is concerned with civil society organisations (CSOs) and the challenges of facilitating sustainable societal transformation in Africa, focusing on the case of Ethiopia. The thesis underlines the fact that the conceptualisation of civil society is controversial. Some western scholars argue that the Enlightenment period in Europe provided the bedrock for the foundation of „modern‟ CSOs. As a result, they believed that the life patterns and „traditional‟ social organising practices of Africans, Asians and other societies of the world are incompatible with the civilised world. This outlook constitutes the mainstream view that has played an uncontested role in the decades of development in Africa. Proponents of African and „traditional‟ perspectives of civil society, however, argue that many nations in Africa have centuries-old humanism and a history of volunteerism and civic institutions, which form the backbone of their social fabric. They argue that Africa has its own rich culture and civilisation which is the bedrock for generating and developing healthy human societies and effectively functioning CSOs on the continent. These African civic cultures nurture character and intellect within communities and social spaces despite the challenges of colonialism, globalisation and other external pressures. For this reason, they challenge western-based perspectives on „modern‟ CSOs. Given the predominance of and the tension in these two perspectives, this thesis calls for a re-examination of the concepts, meanings and practices of CSOs and the exploration of the role of „traditional‟ CSOs in facilitating societal transformation in contemporary Ethiopia, Africa. In so doing, it critically examines how the tensions in various international development agendas have led to the legitimisation and proliferation of „modern‟ and western-based non-governmental organisation (NGO) interventions in Africa, and then discusses the way the civil society sector, particularly „traditional‟ CSOs, is side-lined owing to the funding formulas that regard western-based NGOs as preferred development partners. For this, the thesis takes a case-based approach to the study of „traditional‟ CSOs in Ethiopia, and examines their goals and practices leading to social transformation experiences by reviewing the political history, genesis and civic functions of CSOs and the social changes at grassroots levels. The thesis also analyses the ways in which local communities organise their „traditional‟ associations and collectively engage in social action to transform their communities. It also highlights the negative implications of the neoliberal theoretical discourses and the developmental state approaches in relation to „traditional‟ African CSOs. In conclusion, the thesis suggests critical pathways for harnessing the role of „traditional‟ African CSOs in the future societal transformation process in Africa. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

Includes bibliographical references: leaves 201-224 / South African authorities formalised their goal to pursue a developmental state with the adoption of the National Development Plan (NDP) in 2012. It is clear from the reading of the NDP that the authorities are convinced that the developmental state approach is a cause for development. The declaration to construct a developmental state is interesting at best or bizarre at worst in that developmental states are often identified by assessing their (economic) performance over a period. They hardly sought out to intentionally build developmental states. The South African governance system has implications for a quest to construct a developmental state. Whereas the literature on East Asian countries tends to focus on the role of central governments in economic development, the South African governance places a huge emphasis on cooperative governance between the three spheres of government. To this end, the constitution spells out the specific developmental objectives that must be pursued by municipalities. This essentially means that the system of cooperative governance, and the extent of effectiveness of local government, will either catalyse or impede the realisation of South African developmental state. Developmental states are often distinguished from others by their structures, roles and outcomes. Their structures and roles are developmental and are a cause for soaring outcomes. This logic was employed to analyse the nature of structures and roles in eight (8) selected municipalities over a 15-year period and how these influenced the actual policy performance. Findings that emerged from over 30 interviews with high ranking officials in various institutions and the thorough analysis of a number of documents confirm that structures and roles in municipalities are far from being developmental. The study also found that informal factors have effectively ‘juniorised’ local government as a sphere of government despite the constitution emphasising the equality of all three spheres. In the final analysis, local government is incapacitated to carry out its developmental mandate. It is against this reality of incapacitation of local government that the study argues that the performance of local government, measured against its constitutional objectives, effectively impedes the realisation of a developmental state in South Africa. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)