This dissertation analyzes the (de)construction of gender and nation through animal symbols in Franco’s Spain. The project explores, first, a web of miscellaneous discourses articulated around the official bestiary rhetoric that serve in the composition of uniform gender models tailor-made for the virile totalitarian state. The selection of texts presented is eclectic, both in its nature and form. It encompasses a wide repertoire of multi-media discourses (i.e., scientific, religious, legal, educational, political, commercial, humorous and popular) presented visually (movies, posters, comics, cartoons, flags, advertisements, logotypes), aurally (songs, harangues, sermons, speeches, radio programs) and in the written form (literary excerpts, newspapers, magazines, medical and religious treatises, conduct manuals, epistles), and whose aim is, ultimately, to illustrate the dissemination and scope of zoomorphic images in the representation of nation and gender during the Francoist dictatorship. Apart from providing a panoramic view of the gendered fauna, these historical documents will also serve as the unifying thread to unravel the complexities of several censored artistic productions that cunningly resort to the prevailing bestial iconography to attack the androcentric state. By focusing on the animalized portrayals of the female characters of la Gata [the She-Cat] in Margarita Alexandre and Rafael María Torrecilla’s movie La gata (1956), la Loba [the She-wolf] in Rafael de León, Andrés Moles and Manuel López Quiroga’s copla “La Loba” (1960), and the surrealistic centaur woman Albina in Ana María Moix’s novel Walter, ¿por qué te fuiste? (1973), this work attempts to illustrate the co-existence of a counter discourse able to re-define the monolithic pillars of gender and nation upon which the Francoist regime was constructed. Finally, to highlight the relevance of animal symbolism in the formation of concepts of gender and nation, this dissertation notes a similar deployment of the Francoist bestiary rhetoric in the nationalist discourse of the far-right Spanish political party VOX (2013-present).

This essay is a study of the novel El Señor Presidente, written by Miguel Ángel Asturias andpubliced 1946. It falls under the subgenre the novel of the dictator. My intentions of this studie iscentered arround the concept of fear, which I metaforically link to the human anatomy. I intend toanalyze how this fictive dictatorial system effects its citizen, how they behave affected by anconstant and sometimes instant fear. And how it is used by ambicious people within the system, fortheir own means, and that in some sense is a living organism, a closed circuit where the true ruler isnot the president, but the fear which is constantly reproduced and put in orbit.Further on my intencion is to analyze how Asturias use literary resources, en particularyintertextuality, onomatopoeia and surrealism to create this atmosphere of horror and fear. / Este ensayo es un estudio de la novela El Señor Presidente, escrita por Miguel Ángel Asturias ypublicada en 1946. Se engloba en el subgénero de la novela del dictador. Mis intenciones de esteestudio se centran en torno al concepto de miedo, que relaciono metafóricamente con la anatomíahumana. Me propongo analizar cómo este sistema dictatorial ficticio afecta a sus ciudadanos, cómose comportan afectados por un miedo constante ya veces instantáneo. Y cómo lo utilizan personasambiciosas dentro del sistema, para sus propios objetivos, y que en cierto sentido es un organismovivo, un circuito cerrado donde el verdadero gobernante no es el presidente, sino el miedo queconstantemente se reproduce y pone en órbita. Más adelante mi intención es analizar cómo Asturiasutiliza los recursos literarios, en particular la intertextualidad, la onomatopeya y el surrealismo paracrear esta atmósfera de horror y miedo.

A free and competitive media environment is the cornerstone of political accountability. News media provide citizens with the information necessary to assess policy performance and attribute it to the correct political actors. Many non-democratic governments attempt to manipulate citizens' beliefs about the competence and performance of political leaders by controlling the news media. In this dissertation, I investigate the extent to which this strategy is effective. I conduct a series of online experiments in Russia, a prominent modern autocracy. The three chapters of this dissertation illuminate how the public reacts to the coverage of domestic politics by state-controlled media; whether independent local media in an otherwise controlled media environment can give rise to partial accountability; and how citizens' prior experiences, knowledge, and beliefs moderate what citizens learn from the news. Chapter 1 studies a kind of coverage produced by many state-owned media: messages that target citizens’ perceptions of whether the central or the local government is responsible for policy outcomes. I report results from a survey experiment with over 4,000 respondents in Russia. The experiment randomly assigned respondents to watch news reports from Russia’s popular state-owned TV channel, Rossia-1. The reports emphasize the central government’s monitoring of road maintenance and natural disaster management – two policies that fall under the purview of local governments. My findings suggest that even though the reports did not shift beliefs about the locus of policy responsibility, they improved policy performance perceptions and increased government support. One explanation for these findings is that citizens know that the central government would only associate itself with local policies if the performance is high. I show that my findings are consistent with a Bayesian learning model in which citizens can be aware of biased media reporting strategy and update positively on policy performance and government competence when they observe central government associating itself with the policy. The broader implication is that propaganda can be effective not despite, but because citizens know that news outlets are controlled by the government. In Chapter 2, I focus on the effects of independent news outlets in an otherwise controlled media environment. Existing empirical evidence suggests that such news outlets can decrease support for the government, encourage collective action and ultimately lead to regime change. In this chapter, I show that the information provided by media outlets that are not controlled by the government can have limited effects on citizens' beliefs. I rely on data from an experiment conducted in one of the largest cities in Russia, Novosibirsk. I show residents pre-recorded local news reports on one of the most salient policy issues, healthcare delivery. Despite high compliance rates, the effects of exposure to local independent media reports are limited. I also find no evidence for treatment effect heterogeneity across a number of dimensions. Overall, these findings cast doubt on the ability of independent local media to bring about partial accountability. Chapter 3 investigates another type of coverage that is common in state-controlled media environments: messages that attribute successes in macroeconomic policy to an authoritarian leader. I propose a simple model of belief-updating in which citizens are simultaneously uncertain about the government's competence and the bias of the media source. Since macroeconomic performance is difficult to observe for citizens, the model in this chapter allows the media outlet to lie about government competence. The model makes predictions about the types of citizens who are most and least susceptible to being persuaded. I derive hypotheses about the effects of propaganda on citizens’ beliefs about government competence and media bias. To test the model's predictions, I design and implement an online panel experiment that uses news reports from the leading state-owned TV channel in Russia. Contrary to the model's predictions, I find that positive policy events presented by biased media can backfire and lead citizens to worsen their perception of policy performance and government competence.

No description available.

No description available.

This work deals with objects suppressed by individual people after the 1973 coup in Chile, due to the repression exerted by the installed civic-military dictatorship. It collects the memories of those who had to get rid of compromising objects to save their lives, pointing out the strategies chosen for this purpose, as well as the places to carry them out. It shows that the strategies varied and depended on different circumstances. This work is also about the value given to objects and the way in which the functions of objects change according to political circumstances. It highlights the memories created in contrast to the discourses of official history and to forced oblivion. / Detta arbete handlar om de föremål som förtrycktes av enskilda människor efter statskuppen i Chile 1973, på grund av förtrycket som den installerade civil-militära diktaturen utövade. Det samlar in minnen av de som var tvungna att göra sig av med kmpromissande föremål för att rädda sina liv, och pekar ut de strategier som valdes för detta ändamål, såväl som platserna för att utföra dem. Det visar att strategierna varierade och berodde på olika omständigheter. Dat här arbetet handlar även om de värderingar som ges till föremål och hur föremålens funktioner förändras beroende på politiska omständigheter. Det lyfter fram minnet som skapats i kontrast till den officiella historiens diskurser och till påtvingad glömska.

[pt] A presente dissertação tem como finalidade analisar as experiências de mobilizações dos moradores da Favela da Rocinha, a partir do movimento associativo no período da ditadura militar até o final da década de 70. A pesquisa realizada foi de cunho qualitativo e o percurso metodológico adotado voltou-se para a análise bibliográfica, documental e oral, o que possibilitou ampliar o conhecimento sobre as experiências vividas pelos moradores da Rocinha durante o período em estudo, formas de resistência social que tinham como principal estratégia as mobilizações organizadas pelos moradores, por meio das associações de moradores, com vistas às reivindicações por acesso aos direitos em torno de melhores condições de moradia, bem como a luta contra as eminentes ameaças de remoções e outras formas de repressão características da relação Estado-favela nesse período. Baseado nos estudos da história oral, durante a pesquisa de campo foi possível a aproximação com os sujeitos da pesquisa, a partir da realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas, o que possibilitou o resgate de novos elementos da memória social de moradores que tiveram participação direta no movimento associativo e em outros espaços onde as mobilizações foram sendo organizadas no interior da favela, em resposta ao forte controle social exercido pelo Estado, sob a ótica dos militares. Um conjunto de instrumentos foram utilizados para o levantamento de dados da pesquisa, tendo como principais fontes o Sistema de Informações do Arquivo Nacional, o acervo do Museu Sankofa de História e Memória da Rocinha e a consulta de Jornais da época. Os dados documentais e orais permitiram uma melhor compreensão acerca das lutas faveladas, da dinâmica de controle adotada pelos militares nas diferentes esferas estatais e de suas ações como respostas ao dito problema das favelas no espaço urbano da Cidade, identificadas pela execução dos programas de remoções em grande escala direcionados a esses espaços. Espera-se que esta pesquisa possa contribuir para a preservação das memórias faveladas da Rocinha, da dinâmica de organização das estratégias de mobilizações e das lutas coletivas enquanto componente histórico. A pesquisa revela formas de resistência social e as reinvindicações de direitos historicamente negados aos favelados, pois o movimento de voltar ao passado nos permite uma melhor compreensão do presente e da possibilidade de construção de uma agenda política que nos ajuda a pensar a favela que queremos no futuro, onde a prioridade é o direito por meio de políticas públicas efetivas, nas quais sejam garantidos espaços de participação popular e de escuta dos saberes e conhecimentos produzidos pela favela. / [en] This dissertation aims to analyze the experiences of mobilizations of the residents of Favela da Rocinha, from the associative movement in the period of the Military Dictatorship until the end of the 70s. for bibliographical, documentary and oral analysis, which made it possible to increase knowledge about the experiences lived by Rocinha residents during the study period, forms of social resistance whose main strategy was the mobilizations organized by the residents, through the residents associations. , with a view to the demands for access to rights around better housing conditions, as well as the fight against the imminent threats of removals and other forms of repression characteristic of the State-slum relationship in this period. Based on studies of oral history, during the field research, it was possible to approach the research subjects, through semi-structured interviews, which enabled the rescue of new elements of the collective memory of residents who had direct and/or indirect in the associative movement and in other spaces where favela mobilizations were being organized inside the favela, in response to the strong control exercised by the State, from the perspective of the military. A set of instruments were used to collect research data, having as main sources the Information System of the National Archives, the collection of the Sankofa Museum of History and Memory of Rocinha and the consultation of newspapers of the time. Documentary and oral data allowed a better understanding of favela struggles, the control dynamics adopted by the military in different state spheres and their actions as responses to the so-called problem of favelas in the urban space of the City, identified by the execution of programs for large-scale removals directed to these spaces. It is hoped that this research can contribute to the preservation of Rocinha s favela memories, the organizational dynamics of mobilization strategies and collective struggles as a historical component. The research reveals forms of social resistance and the claims of rights historically denied to favelados, as the movement to go back to the past allows us a better understanding of the present and the possibility of building a political agenda that helps us think about the favela we want in the future, where the priority is the right through effective public policies, where spaces for popular participation and listening to the knowledge and knowledge produced by the favela are guaranteed.

[pt] A produção do arquiteto carioca Sergio Bernardes (1919/2002) é tão vasta quanto desconhecida. Assertivo e questionador, desde o início da carreira mostrou-se avesso à formatações conceituais, estilísticas ou projetuais. Graduado em 1948 pela Universidade do Brasil, atuou até os anos 1990 no campo alargado do projeto com significativa mudança da escala projetual nos anos 1960/70. Experimentando o aço como partido estrutural da arquitetura, aventurou-se pelo universo das geometrias não euclidianas, pendurou pavilhões como ponte e residenciais como teleférico; testou materiais leves na construção; impulsionou a produção industrial desenvolvendo elementos para fabricação em série. Num caminho ambicioso entre associações multidisciplinares do conhecimento, pesquisa laboratorial e investigação experimental no canteiro, perseguiu uma espécie de idealismo sistêmico, fundamentado num virtuosismo tecnológico. De arquiteto a inventor social , Bernardes reafirmou a crença no sujeito moderno, no poder da razão, na potência do projeto e numa ação preventiva do futuro. No contexto arquitetônico brasileiro dos anos 1960/70, apostou alto na renovação de sua arquitetura, aproveitando-se da proximidade com o poder militar, principalmente, durante o período de pujança econômica (alta concentração de rendas) e desenvolvimento progressista do país sob a Ditadura, o assim chamado período do milagre brasileiro (1968/73). Momento em que o arquiteto assume protagonismo na construção da então recém inaugurada capital federal – Brasília. Esta pesquisa analisa quatro projetos emblemáticos de Sergio Bernardes para Brasília – a sede do Instituto Brasileiro do Café – IBC (1968/71); o edifício do Ministério da Marinha – MM (1970/73); a Escola Superior de Guerra (1970/74) e o Monumento ao Pavilhão Nacional (1972) –, todos destinados ao governo militar e realizados no período do milagre , buscando entender em que medida eles significaram uma possibilidade sem precedentes para sua arquitetura e, ao mesmo tempo, abriram o caminho da maldição que assombra sua obra desde então. / [en] The production of the Brazilian and native of Rio de Janeiro architect Sergio Bernardes is as vast as unknown. Assertive and questioner, since the beginning of his career, he presented himself against the conceptual, stylistic and projective formats. Graduated in 1948 at the Universidade do Brasil, he worked until 1990s in the large field of the project with abrupt change in the architectonical scale of the 1960s and 1970s. Starting from the experimentation of more restrict and defined programs, he interspersed a complex universe of the megastructures and headed prospective and visionary to the territory scale. By experimenting steel as structural source of architecture, he threw himself into the universe of the non euclidianas geometries; he hung pavilions as bridges, houses as cable cars; tested light materials in the construction, and increased the industrial production through the development of elements for series manufacturing. Through an ambitious way of multidisciplined associations of knowledge, laboratorial research and experimental investigation of the construction site, he pursued a type of systemic idealism, based on a technological virtuousism. From architect to a social inventor , he reassured his belief in the modern individual, in the power of reason, in the potency of the project and in a preventive action of future. In the Brazilian architectonical context of the 1960s and 70s, he truly believed in the renovation of his architecture, taking advantage of the good relationship he had with the Military, especially, during a period of economical force (concentration of incomes) and the progressive development of the country during the Dictatorship era, the Brazilian Miracle (1968/73). A moment in which, the architect takes over the protagonism of the just built, Federal Capital, Brasilia. This research is about four of the Sergio Bernardes emblematic projects for Brasilia– Instituto Brasileiro do Café – IBC (1968/71); Ministério da Marinha – MM (1970/73); Escola Superior de Guerra (1970/74); Monumento ao Pavilhão Nacional (1972) – all destined to the military government and finished within the period of time called the miracle , in order to understand how much of a possibility without precedents they meant for his architecture, and at the same time, how much of this opened the way to a curse that haunts his work since then.

No description available.

This thesis proposes a new perspective and critical reflection on two contemporary Latin American novels, Insensatez (2004) by Honduran-Salvadorean author Horacio Castellanos Moya and La dimensión desconocida (2016) by Chilean author Nona Fernández. Situating each novel within its respective historical context of political transition following years of violent national conflict, the politics of memory and the concomitant concern for human rights directly informs the argument. The theoretical framework which directs the analysis of each work centers on the intertextual relationship between the narrative and the novel's foundational document. In Insensatez, the intertext of interest is the official report of the Recovery of Historical Memory Project (REMHI) titled Guatemala: Nunca Más (1998) and in La dimensión desconocida the intertext is the interview with the former Chilean intelligence agent, Andrés Valenzuela, published in the magazine Cauce (1985). This thesis first reveals how Castellanos Moya utilizes various literary strategies in combination with the libreta as a narrative element to question the privileged position of testimonio in the memory works that have proliferated in postwar Central America. This thesis also demonstrates how Nona Fernández constructs a complex intertextual dialogue with the testimony of the victimizer Valenzuela to interrogate the ethical binaries that have sustained Chilean literary production on historical memory since the dictatorship. The combined analyses of these two novels enable new perceptions of how contemporary Latin American fictions can creatively employ intertextuality as a narrative tool to problematize the cultural and literary representation of a traumatic past. / Master of Arts / This thesis proposes new critical perspectives on two contemporary Latin American novels, Insensatez (2004) by Honduran-Salvadorean author Horacio Castellanos Moya and La dimensión desconocida (2016) by Chilean author Nona Fernández. Situating each novel within its respective historical context of political transition following years of violent national conflict, the analysis centers on the textual relationship between the narrative and the novel's foundational document. In Insensatez, the document of interest is the official report of the Recovery of Historical Memory Project (REMHI) titled Guatemala: Nunca Más (1998) and in La dimensión desconocida the essential document is the interview with the former Chilean intelligence agent, Andrés Valenzuela, published in the magazine Cauce (1985). This thesis first reveals how Castellanos Moya utilizes various literary strategies in combination with the libreta as a narrative element to question the favored position of testimonio in the memory works that have proliferated in postwar Central America. This thesis then demonstrates how Nona Fernández constructs a complex dialogue with the confession of the victimizer Valenzuela to challenge the ethical oppositions that have sustained Chilean literary production on historical memory since the dictatorship. The combined analyses of these two novels enable new perceptions of how contemporary Latin American fictions can creatively use textual relationships as a tool to interrogate the cultural and literary representation of a traumatic past.