Avec les lois Jules Ferry rendant l'école primaire gratuite et obligatoire, on pouvait penser que l'on s'acheminait vers une égalité des chances de réussir dans un système scolaire devenu méritocratique. Il a depuis fallu se rendre à l'évidence : l'accès à l'école ne permet pas à tous de progresser pareillement, certains enfants s'y trouvant en difficulté dès leurs premiers pas d'élèves. Les politiques de lutte contre l'échec scolaire n'empêchent pas une part non négligeable des élèves de quitter l'école sans maîtriser de façon satisfaisante les éléments fondamentaux des programmes. L’efficacité des dispositifs d'aide aux élèves en difficulté apparaît en outre remise en cause par les travaux de recherche menés sur le sujet.Cette thèse propose une évaluation comparée de ces dispositifs à l'école primaire. Elle interroge, au regard de l’existant, puis à partir de l'exploitation de données obtenues par questionnaire, tests, analyse de contenu, leurs modalités de fonctionnement et leur efficacité.Nous montrons ainsi que le système protéiforme de lutte contre l'échec scolaire comporte un arsenal de mesures hétéroclites dont les règles de recrutement existent mais demeurent confuses. L'analyse comparée des résultats des écoliers, de leur sentiment de performance et des demandes des enseignants indique que cette ventilation considère les besoins des enfants. Les plus en difficulté sont le plus souvent pris en charge et l'orientation choisie dépend des situations. Mais, dans un contexte de pénurie de moyens, et faute de définition précise et de régulation des procédures, ces règles sont fréquemment transgressées.Si, à quelques exceptions près, les élèves les plus faibles ne parviennent pas à combler leur retard, l'efficacité des aides est surtout hétérogène. Elle dépend des caractéristiques personnelles ou sociodémographiques des enfants, de celles de leur environnement, mais aussi de la nature et des modalités de fonctionnement des dispositifs. Les effets bénéfiques observés auprès de certains écoliers sont masqués par des résultats plus décevants obtenus auprès d'autres, dont les besoins initiaux étaient souvent moins manifestes.A notre sens, l'optimisation de la lutte contre la difficulté devrait passer par davantage de cohérence, de coordination dans le recrutement et les prises en charge, et par la mise en commun des connaissances ou compétences des intervenants. Une organisation réticulaire des dispositifs pourrait permettre de rationaliser le parcours des élèves et de conjuguer plutôt que d'accumuler les efforts des professionnels. / With the Jules Ferry laws ensuring free and compulsory schooling, equal chances of succeeding were expected in a meritocratic established school system. Reality proved otherwise: attending school still does not allow all schoolchildren to progress in the same way, as some of them encounter difficulties from the beginning. The struggle against academic failure cannot stop a considerable amount of pupils from finishing school without satisfactorily mastering the basic elements of the programmes. Moreover, recent research works have seemed to prove programmes providing assistance for underachievers to be ineffective.This thesis offers a comparative evaluation of such support systems in elementary school. It investigates their effectiveness and modus operandi, with regard to what already exists, as well as to the use of data obtained by questionnaires, tests or content analysis.The protean support systems against school failure will be shown to include a large arsenal of disparate measures, with actual but confusing recruitment rules. The comparative analysis of schoolchildren's results, of their own impressions of performance and of the teachers’ requests indicates that this distribution takes the children's needs into consideration. Most of the time, those most in trouble are the ones taken care of and the chosen educational counselling will depend on the situation. But, in a context of means shortage, and in the absence of a precise definition and regulation of operating procedures, these rules are often infringed. If, with a few exceptions, the weakest students cannot catch up, we notice that help efficiency mostly proves to be uneven. It depends on the personal, sociodemographic and environmental characteristics of the children, but also on the nature and operating methods of the aid system. The beneficial effects seen with some children are concealed by more disappointing results obtained with others, whose needs were often less obvious at first.Thus, in our opinion, the optimization of the struggle against learning difficulties requires to further consistency and a better coordination in recruitment and schoolchild care, as well as skill or knowledge sharing between professionals. A network organisation of support systems would most likely enable to rationalize pupils' educational background and to combine the efforts of skilled professionals rather than accumulating them.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:44:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Jose de Souza Junior.pdf: 1291304 bytes, checksum: 014b243d3a5c41c1af2d5036ff61db01 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-30 / This thesis, related to the research line of education, culture and society of PPGE/PUG-Goiás, intersecting with the State, Politics and Educational Institutions studies, aims to investigate the limits of the the ineffectiveness of the social right to obligatory basic education. From 2009 on, with the Constitution Amendment n. 59, basic education has become mandatory, ranging from preschool to high school. In this study, we opt to investigate obligatory basic education in the city of Goiânia in recent years, interrogating the three main govenment agencies responsible for the effective existence of the aforementioned right: SME, CME and MP-GO. It presents itself as an analytical-quantitative study located in the intersection between the education and cultural fields and public educational policies. To build its theoretical corpus we seek the contribution from authors who analyze the relationships between social inequalities and educational inequalities, therefore surpassing paradigms that focus in the educational performance as a product of effort, gift and individual cognitive capabilities. This means that the educational institution, its organization and its teaching culture are not dissociated from the social contradictions that permeate the processes of social and cultural reproductions, as described by Teixeira (1969), Bourdieu (1970, 1991), Casassus (2007), Kliksberg (2001), Arroyo (2003), Cury (2002a- 2002b), MIRANDA (1933), DI DIO (1982), FERRAZ (1982-1983), GARCIA (2010-2011), RANIERI (2000, 2009 e 2010), among others. The research problem consists in unveiling the presence or silencing of correlations between social and educative inequalities as underlying structures of school inequalities, especially regarding the limits of the ineffectiveness of the social right to obligatory basic education in Goiânia. The empirical basis to communicate with the theoretical corpus was built from three sources: normative documents that define the object of study; statistical data mainly provided by MEC/Inep; and the institutional narratives from SME, CME and MP-GO, formed by two interviews (CME and MP-GO) and a semistructured questionnaire (SME). Through the possible interactions between the legal documentation, statistical data and instutional narratives, containing more disparity than consensus, we can reach some conclusions: though constituting an obligatory level provided by the government, only two thirds of the fundamental schooling in the year of 2010 in Goiânia was of public nature, which solidifies the certainty of its ineffectiveness; the formal universalization of all gross and liquid enrollment ratios does not highlight the effectiveness of that right, because external evaluation exams of school learning point to low percentages of quality; private schooling has a higher success rate, lower failure rate and, mostly, dropouts are next to zero; available data from the 2000 decade shows that as schooling rate advances, also do the age-grade distortion rates, fundamentally from 5th grade on, and having significantly different rates for public and private schooling; public schools located in the downtown and outskirts have lower success rates and higher dropout rates, whilst having similar failure rates. This shows that the incessant pursuit for effectiveness of the social right to obligatory basic education, already granted to the population and recognized in the national legislation, can not be restricted to the empirical demonstration of high gross enrollment rates, partly stimulated by MEC while defining policies for education financing. It is paramount to demand quality not as a measured result by bureaucratic certification, but as the recognition of a formation that is human, citizen and autonomous. / Esta tese, integrada à linha de pesquisa Educação, Sociedade e Cultura do PPGE/PUC-Goiás, com interseção com a linha de Estado, Políticas e Instituições Educacionais, investiga os limites da (não?) efetividade do direito social à educação escolar obrigatória. A partir da Emenda à Constituição n. 59/2009, a educação básica passou a ser obrigatória: da pré-escola ao ensino médio. Neste estudo, optou-se investigar a obrigatoriedade do ensino fundamental no município de Goiânia nos últimos anos, na perspectiva dos três órgãos públicos de maior responsabilidade no zelo pela efetivação desse direito: SME, CME e MP-GO. Trata-se de um estudo analítico-qualitativo que abrange os campos da educação, direito e das políticas educacionais públicas. Para construção do corpus teórico, foram privilegiados autores que problematizam as mediações entre as desigualdades sociais e desigualdades escolares, portanto superando paradigmas que focam o desempenho escolar centrado no esforço, dom e capacidades cognitivas individuais. Isto significa que a instituição escolar, sua organização e seus ritos de ensino não estão dissociados das contradições sociais que permeiam os processos de reprodução cultural e social, como analisam TEIXEIRA (1969), BOURDIEU (1970, 1991), CASASSUS (2007), KLIKSBERG (2001), ARROYO (2003), CURY (2002a- 2002b), MIRANDA (1933), DI DIO (1982), FERRAZ (1982-1983), GARCIA (2010-2011), RANIERI (2000, 2009 e 2010), dentre outros. O problema de pesquisa consiste em desvendar a presença ou os silenciamentos das correlações entre as desigualdades sociais e desigualdades educativas como estruturantes das desigualdades escolares, especialmente no que diz respeito aos limites da (não?) efetividade do direito social à educação escolar obrigatória em Goiânia. A base empírica de interlocução com o corpus teórico foi construída por intermédio de três fontes: documentos normativos que regem o objeto de estudo; dados estatísticos disponibilizados fundamentalmente pelo MEC/Inep e pelas narrativas institucionais da SME, CME e MP-GO, construídas por duas entrevistas (CME e MP-GO) e um questionário semi-estruturado (SME). Das mediações possíveis entre a documentação legal, os dados estatísticos e as narrativas institucionais, mais díspares do que consensuais, pode-se chegar a algumas conclusões: no ensino fundamental em Goiânia, no ano de 2010, somente dois terços era de natureza pública, o que, dentre outros elementos levantados, firma a convicção de sua não efetividade; a universalização formal das matrículas brutas e líquidas não denota efetividade do direito porque os exames externos de avaliação de aprendizagem escolar evidenciam baixos índices de qualidade; a escola particular em cotejo com a escola pública aprova mais, reprova menos e, praticamente, não há abandono escolar; à medida que a escolarização avança, na década de 2010, aumentam as taxas de distorção idade-série/ano, fundamentalmente a partir da 5ª série/ano; as escolas públicas localizadas na periferia apresentam taxas menores de aprovação e maiores de abandono. Estas conclusões reforçam a compreensão de que a busca incessante pela efetividade do direito social à educação escolar obrigatória, já conquistada coletivamente e reconhecida na legislação nacional, não pode restringir-se à demonstração empírica das altas taxas de matrículas, estimulada pelo MEC ao definir os recursos para financiamento da educação. Há que se exigir qualidade não como resultado dimensionado pela certificação burocrática desse direito, reiteradamente inobservado, mas como reconhecimento de uma formação humana, cidadã e autônoma.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:52:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Jose de Souza Junior.pdf: 1291304 bytes, checksum: 014b243d3a5c41c1af2d5036ff61db01 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-30 / This thesis, related to the research line of education, culture and society of PPGE/PUG-Goiás, intersecting with the State, Politics and Educational Institutions studies, aims to investigate the limits of the the ineffectiveness of the social right to obligatory basic education. From 2009 on, with the Constitution Amendment n. 59, basic education has become mandatory, ranging from preschool to high school. In this study, we opt to investigate obligatory basic education in the city of Goiânia in recent years, interrogating the three main govenment agencies responsible for the effective existence of the aforementioned right: SME, CME and MP-GO. It presents itself as an analytical-quantitative study located in the intersection between the education and cultural fields and public educational policies. To build its theoretical corpus we seek the contribution from authors who analyze the relationships between social inequalities and educational inequalities, therefore surpassing paradigms that focus in the educational performance as a product of effort, gift and individual cognitive capabilities. This means that the educational institution, its organization and its teaching culture are not dissociated from the social contradictions that permeate the processes of social and cultural reproductions, as described by Teixeira (1969), Bourdieu (1970, 1991), Casassus (2007), Kliksberg (2001), Arroyo (2003), Cury (2002a- 2002b), MIRANDA (1933), DI DIO (1982), FERRAZ (1982-1983), GARCIA (2010-2011), RANIERI (2000, 2009 e 2010), among others. The research problem consists in unveiling the presence or silencing of correlations between social and educative inequalities as underlying structures of school inequalities, especially regarding the limits of the ineffectiveness of the social right to obligatory basic education in Goiânia. The empirical basis to communicate with the theoretical corpus was built from three sources: normative documents that define the object of study; statistical data mainly provided by MEC/Inep; and the institutional narratives from SME, CME and MP-GO, formed by two interviews (CME and MP-GO) and a semistructured questionnaire (SME). Through the possible interactions between the legal documentation, statistical data and instutional narratives, containing more disparity than consensus, we can reach some conclusions: though constituting an obligatory level provided by the government, only two thirds of the fundamental schooling in the year of 2010 in Goiânia was of public nature, which solidifies the certainty of its ineffectiveness; the formal universalization of all gross and liquid enrollment ratios does not highlight the effectiveness of that right, because external evaluation exams of school learning point to low percentages of quality; private schooling has a higher success rate, lower failure rate and, mostly, dropouts are next to zero; available data from the 2000 decade shows that as schooling rate advances, also do the age-grade distortion rates, fundamentally from 5th grade on, and having significantly different rates for public and private schooling; public schools located in the downtown and outskirts have lower success rates and higher dropout rates, whilst having similar failure rates. This shows that the incessant pursuit for effectiveness of the social right to obligatory basic education, already granted to the population and recognized in the national legislation, can not be restricted to the empirical demonstration of high gross enrollment rates, partly stimulated by MEC while defining policies for education financing. It is paramount to demand quality not as a measured result by bureaucratic certification, but as the recognition of a formation that is human, citizen and autonomous. / Esta tese, integrada à linha de pesquisa Educação, Sociedade e Cultura do PPGE/PUC-Goiás, com interseção com a linha de Estado, Políticas e Instituições Educacionais, investiga os limites da (não?) efetividade do direito social à educação escolar obrigatória. A partir da Emenda à Constituição n. 59/2009, a educação básica passou a ser obrigatória: da pré-escola ao ensino médio. Neste estudo, optou-se investigar a obrigatoriedade do ensino fundamental no município de Goiânia nos últimos anos, na perspectiva dos três órgãos públicos de maior responsabilidade no zelo pela efetivação desse direito: SME, CME e MP-GO. Trata-se de um estudo analítico-qualitativo que abrange os campos da educação, direito e das políticas educacionais públicas. Para construção do corpus teórico, foram privilegiados autores que problematizam as mediações entre as desigualdades sociais e desigualdades escolares, portanto superando paradigmas que focam o desempenho escolar centrado no esforço, dom e capacidades cognitivas individuais. Isto significa que a instituição escolar, sua organização e seus ritos de ensino não estão dissociados das contradições sociais que permeiam os processos de reprodução cultural e social, como analisam TEIXEIRA (1969), BOURDIEU (1970, 1991), CASASSUS (2007), KLIKSBERG (2001), ARROYO (2003), CURY (2002a- 2002b), MIRANDA (1933), DI DIO (1982), FERRAZ (1982-1983), GARCIA (2010-2011), RANIERI (2000, 2009 e 2010), dentre outros. O problema de pesquisa consiste em desvendar a presença ou os silenciamentos das correlações entre as desigualdades sociais e desigualdades educativas como estruturantes das desigualdades escolares, especialmente no que diz respeito aos limites da (não?) efetividade do direito social à educação escolar obrigatória em Goiânia. A base empírica de interlocução com o corpus teórico foi construída por intermédio de três fontes: documentos normativos que regem o objeto de estudo; dados estatísticos disponibilizados fundamentalmente pelo MEC/Inep e pelas narrativas institucionais da SME, CME e MP-GO, construídas por duas entrevistas (CME e MP-GO) e um questionário semi-estruturado (SME). Das mediações possíveis entre a documentação legal, os dados estatísticos e as narrativas institucionais, mais díspares do que consensuais, pode-se chegar a algumas conclusões: no ensino fundamental em Goiânia, no ano de 2010, somente dois terços era de natureza pública, o que, dentre outros elementos levantados, firma a convicção de sua não efetividade; a universalização formal das matrículas brutas e líquidas não denota efetividade do direito porque os exames externos de avaliação de aprendizagem escolar evidenciam baixos índices de qualidade; a escola particular em cotejo com a escola pública aprova mais, reprova menos e, praticamente, não há abandono escolar; à medida que a escolarização avança, na década de 2010, aumentam as taxas de distorção idade-série/ano, fundamentalmente a partir da 5ª série/ano; as escolas públicas localizadas na periferia apresentam taxas menores de aprovação e maiores de abandono. Estas conclusões reforçam a compreensão de que a busca incessante pela efetividade do direito social à educação escolar obrigatória, já conquistada coletivamente e reconhecida na legislação nacional, não pode restringir-se à demonstração empírica das altas taxas de matrículas, estimulada pelo MEC ao definir os recursos para financiamento da educação. Há que se exigir qualidade não como resultado dimensionado pela certificação burocrática desse direito, reiteradamente inobservado, mas como reconhecimento de uma formação humana, cidadã e autônoma.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto de estudo a democratização do ensino superior federal decorrente de programas governamentais que visaram à ampliação da oferta de vagas (expansão) e, por conseguinte, a diversificação do perfil do estudante de graduação (redução das desigualdades educativas). Para tanto, tomou-se como base o caso da Universidade Federal de São Paulo, por meio de: a) informações institucionais (história, infraestrutura); b) dados sociodemográficos dos estudantes coletados por meio de questionário aplicado com os ingressantes; c) bem como de entrevistas realizadas com discentes de dois dos cinco campi de expansão desta universidade. Como principais resultados obtidos constatou-se que uma democratização uniforme ou segregativa (identificada por meio dos dados de 2011) que mantem as desigualdades entre os grupos sociais está dando lugar a uma democratização equalizadora (identificada pelos dados de 2014) que reduz as desigualdades somente após a implantação da lei de cotas, mesmo que ainda parcialmente instalada, na Unifesp. Apesar de promissor, os dados das entrevistas e observações desvelam um panorama de conflitos entre os estudantes de grupos que historicamente foram segregados do ensino superior e a instituição universitária que fora erigida tendo em vista outro público estudantil / This work has as study object the democratization of higher education due to federal government programs that aimed to expand the number of places (expansion) and, therefore, diversification of undergraduate student profile (reducing educational inequalities). For this, it was taken as the base case of the Federal University of São Paulo, through: a) institutional information (history, infrastructure); b) demographic data of students collected through a questionnaire applied to the entrants; c) as well as interviews with students of two of the five campuses of this university expansion. The main results obtained it was found that a uniform or segregative democratization (identified through the 2011 data) - which maintains inequalities between social groups - is giving way to an equalizing democratization (identified by the 2014 data) - which reduces inequalities - only after the implementation of the quota law, even if still partially installed in Unifesp. Although promising, the data from interviews and observations unveil an overview of conflicts between student groups who have been historically segregated higher education and the university - which had been erected with a view another student audience

The diploma thesis compares learning conditions in bilingual and regular classrooms in two primary schools from the perspective of educational equity. The first chapter summarizes available information on bilingual classes in the Czech public school system (their prevalence, licensing conditions, and financing). The second chapter describes tracking in the Czech basic school system and its implications for educational inequity. The final chapter of the theoretical part describes the main school factors influencing student achievement in the Czech Republic and abroad. The empirical part presents case studies of two public schools that run a CLIL class. The schools differ in terms of the administrator of the bilingual class, target language, location, and financing of the class. The research compares regular and CLIL classes at each school with regards to admission procedures, pupil characteristics, learning conditions, teacher expectations, teaching methods, and other aspects influencing student achievement. The results reveal that bilingual and regular classes at both schools differ most in terms of socioeconomic compositition and student achievement, giving the pupils of bilingual classes an unfair advantage. However, the classes also differ in other aspects, of which the significance to parents...

A presente dissertação tem como objeto de estudo a democratização do ensino superior federal decorrente de programas governamentais que visaram à ampliação da oferta de vagas (expansão) e, por conseguinte, a diversificação do perfil do estudante de graduação (redução das desigualdades educativas). Para tanto, tomou-se como base o caso da Universidade Federal de São Paulo, por meio de: a) informações institucionais (história, infraestrutura); b) dados sociodemográficos dos estudantes coletados por meio de questionário aplicado com os ingressantes; c) bem como de entrevistas realizadas com discentes de dois dos cinco campi de expansão desta universidade. Como principais resultados obtidos constatou-se que uma democratização uniforme ou segregativa (identificada por meio dos dados de 2011) que mantem as desigualdades entre os grupos sociais está dando lugar a uma democratização equalizadora (identificada pelos dados de 2014) que reduz as desigualdades somente após a implantação da lei de cotas, mesmo que ainda parcialmente instalada, na Unifesp. Apesar de promissor, os dados das entrevistas e observações desvelam um panorama de conflitos entre os estudantes de grupos que historicamente foram segregados do ensino superior e a instituição universitária que fora erigida tendo em vista outro público estudantil / This work has as study object the democratization of higher education due to federal government programs that aimed to expand the number of places (expansion) and, therefore, diversification of undergraduate student profile (reducing educational inequalities). For this, it was taken as the base case of the Federal University of São Paulo, through: a) institutional information (history, infrastructure); b) demographic data of students collected through a questionnaire applied to the entrants; c) as well as interviews with students of two of the five campuses of this university expansion. The main results obtained it was found that a uniform or segregative democratization (identified through the 2011 data) - which maintains inequalities between social groups - is giving way to an equalizing democratization (identified by the 2014 data) - which reduces inequalities - only after the implementation of the quota law, even if still partially installed in Unifesp. Although promising, the data from interviews and observations unveil an overview of conflicts between student groups who have been historically segregated higher education and the university - which had been erected with a view another student audience

Cette recherche porte sur les inégalités sociales dans les systèmes éducatifs français et chilien. À la différence de l’abondante littérature sur ce sujet dans la sociologie de l’éducation et dans d’autres disciplines, ce travail ne vise ni à expliquer les inégalités ni à comparer leur ampleur. À partir d’une approche compréhensive basée sur la sociologie de l’expérience, nous étudions le lien entre les modes de production des inégalités au sein de chaque système éducatif et les expériences des élèves. Cette question est appréhendée à partir d’une comparaison qualitative consistant en un examen de la législation, des études empiriques et des statistiques décrivant chaque modèle d’une part, et en une enquête de terrain auprès des enseignants et des élèves d’autre part. Des entretiens semi-directifs ont été effectués dans quatre lycées de chaque pays incluant 119 personnes (79 élèves et 40 professeurs). Ces deux systèmes se rapprochent de deux figures idéal-typiques de production des inégalités : le mode socio-économique au Chili et le mode scolaire-culturel en France. Ces modes de production façonnent les expériences scolaires en termes de leur contenu et de leur distribution. Au Chili, les expériences des lycéens reflètent les inégalités socio-économiques, se traduisant par des sentiments de macro-injustice ; en France les expériences se configurent autour des inégalités proprement scolaires avec une prééminence des sentiments de micro-injustice. Enfin, la culture scolaire nationale agit sur ce rapport entre les modes de production et les expériences ; au Chili elle atténue la critique de l’injustice de l’École alors qu’en France, elle l’exacerbe. / The present research examines social inequalities in French and Chilean education systems. Diverging from the abundant literature on this subject in the sociology of education and other disciplines, the goal of this research was to neither explain the inequalities nor compare their extent. Instead, we took a comprehensive approach based on the sociology of experience, to study the relation between the forms of inequality production in each education system and students’ experience of it. This issue was investigated through a qualitative comparison of the two education systems, in which we examined on the one hand, the legislation, the empirical studies and the statistics of each national model and on the other hand, a field study with teachers and students. The latter consisted of 119 semi-directive interviews (79 students and 40 teachers) in four high schools in each country. The two systems approximate two ideal-types of inequality production: the social-economic mode in Chile and the educational-cultural mode in France. These modes of production shape both the content and the distribution of the schooling experience. In Chile, the students’ experience reflects social-economic inequalities translated into feelings of macro-injustice; in France, experiences are formed by inequalities in the schooling process with a preeminence of feelings of micro-injustice. Finally, national schooling cultures act upon the relationship between the forms of inequality production and the experiences: In Chile, it attenuates the criticism of injustice toward school, while in France it is exacerbated.

La classe d’accueil est un service offert dans la région métropolitaine de Montréal aux élèves identifiés comme ayant besoin de soutien linguistique en français avant de poursuivre leurs études en classe ordinaire. Ces élèves passent par deux classements : un pour entrer et un autre pour sortir de la classe d’accueil. Peu de recherches se sont penchées jusqu’à présent sur les élèves appartenant à des groupes minorisés en classe d’accueil, des élèves qui se trouvent surreprésentés dans la suite de leur parcours éducatif en classe d’adaptation scolaire et dans d’autres filières moins sélectives. Dans le but de comprendre les procédures de classement des élèves du secondaire avant et après leur séjour en classe d’accueil dans la région métropolitaine de Montréal, à partir d’un cadre théorique sociologique inspiré des concepts d’habitus, de normalisation, d’altérisation et de stigmatisation intersectionnelle, cette recherche qualitative ethnographique documente les discours des acteurs scolaires impliqués dans les prises de décisions relatives aux classements des élèves avant et après le séjour en classe d’accueil ainsi que les discours des élèves soumis à ces décisions. Pour ce faire, nous avons analysé 28 documents (gouvernementaux, des centres de services scolaires, des échanges via courriel et des publications dans un groupe Facebook), 10 heures d’observation d’interactions sociales à différent moments de la vie scolaire (des rencontres de prévision de classement, une rencontre d’accueil de parents, des cours en classe d’accueil et des observations dans les couloirs d’une école) et 44 entretiens (dont 37 avec des intervenants scolaires – 14 enseignants, 12 conseillers pédagogiques, 3 professionnels dans d’autres types de soutien, 3 directions (adjointes) d’école et 5 professionnels dans d’autres postes administratifs – et 7 avec des élèves qui ont passé par un séjour en classe d’accueil lors de leurs études secondaires). Les principaux résultats soulignent que les élèves (et leurs parents) ne sont pas suffisamment informés au sujet du système éducatif de leur province d’accueil. Ils tendent ainsi à accepter les décisions de classements, incluant vers d’autres secteurs que la classe ordinaire (adaptation scolaire ou formation générale des adultes). Selon les intervenants scolaires, seule une partie des élèves répondrait à ce qui est exigé par le milieu d’accueil en termes de performance et de comportement et atteindrait donc la réussite éducative. Les élèves qui ne réussissent pas à s’adapter sont ceux jugés comme ayant des enjeux individuels ou liés à leur pays d’origine (ex. difficultés d’apprentissage, retard scolaire). Les intervenants scolaires interrogés mentionneraient peu fréquemment les enjeux structurels du milieu d’accueil, mis à part le manque de ressources. Cela se traduit par : 1) de longs séjours en classe d’accueil; 2) des classements en classe ordinaire en dessous du niveau âge des élèves; 3) des classements dans le secteur de la formation générale des adultes; ou 4) des classements dans le secteur de l’adaptation scolaire. Notre analyse signale une posture suprémaciste d’altérisation derrière le discours du « besoin » d’intégration et une pensée déficitaire en lien avec les préalables de la réussite. Ainsi, le séjour en classe d’accueil serait une forme de disciplinarisation. / The welcoming class is a service offered in the Montreal metropolitan region to students identified as needing French language support before continuing their studies in the mainstream class. These students go through two placements: one to enter and another to leave the welcoming class. Little research has until now focused on students belonging to minority groups in the welcoming class, students who find themselves overrepresented in the rest of their educational journey in special education classes and in other less selective sectors. In order to understand the procedures for placing secondary students before and after their stay in the welcoming class in the Montreal metropolitan region, from a sociological theoretical framework inspired by the concepts of habitus, normalization, othering and intersectional stigmatization, this qualitative ethnographic research documents the discourses of school actors involved in the decision-making on the placement of students before and after the stay in the welcoming class as well as the discourses of students subject to these decisions. To do this, we analyzed 28 documents (governmental, from school service centers, exchanges via email and publications in a Facebook group), 10 hours of observation of social interactions at different moments of school life (meetings concerning forecast placement, a parents’ welcoming meeting, courses in the welcoming class and observations in the corridors of a school) and 44 interviews (including 37 with school actors – 14 teachers, 12 educational advisers, 3 professionals in other types of support, 3 (deputy) school principals, and 5 professionals in other administrative positions – and 7 with students who went through a stay in the welcoming class during their secondary studies). The main results highlight that students (and their parents) are not sufficiently informed about the education system in their host province. They thus tend to accept placement decisions, including towards sectors other than the mainstream class (special education or general adult education). According to school workers, only a portion of students meet what is required by the host environment in terms of performance and behavior and would therefore achieve educational success. The students who fail to adapt are those judged as having individual issues or issues related to their country of origin (e.g., learning difficulties, academic delay). The school workers interviewed rarely mentioned the structural issues of the host environment, apart from the lack of resources. This results in: 1) long stays in the welcoming class; 2) placements in mainstream class below the age level of the students; 3) placements in the general adult education sector; or 4) placements in the special education sector. Our analysis points to a supremacist posture of othering behind the discourse of the “need” for integration and a deficit thinking linked to the prerequisites for success. Thus, the stay in the welcoming class would be a form of disciplinarization.

Cette recherche analyse la dimension sociale de la mobilité pour études des Maliens en France et au Maroc. Face à un système d'enseignement supérieur à l'offre pédagogique et aux capacités d'accueil limitées, nombre d'étudiants maliens voient en la mobilité une échappatoire. En outre, ceux qui partent perpétuent une pratique de formation à l'étranger consubstantielle à la formation des élites maliennes au XXe siècle. Des acteurs institutionnels facilitent la mobilité étudiante. L'État, d'une part, à travers les bourses de mérite qu'il met en place, et par les nouveaux établissements privés, au Maroc notamment, qui adaptent leur offre de formation à la demande provenant des pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Nous questionnons la manière dont la mobilité géographique participe d'une stratégie de mobilité sociale, puis démontrons comment les inégalités du champ scolaire malien, fondées sur les disparités de capitaux économique, culturel et social, façonnent les inégalités d'accès à la mobilité. Toutefois, ces dernières sont contournées par la mobilisation des « liens faibles », dont la parenté élargie, par les étudiants socialement défavorisés. Le rôle de ces réseaux apparaît crucial dans la mobilité pour études, comme l'attestent les parcours des étudiants défavorisés dont la réussite professionnelle et sociale est souvent comparable à celle des étudiants issus des élites politiques, économiques et religieuses. Les trajectoires d'insertion professionnelle des diplômés maliens de France et du Maroc mettent enfin en évidence le rôle clé de la mobilité internationale pour études supérieures, en complément de la scolarité au Mali : gage d'un accès au statut d'élite, au Mali, pour le plus grand nombre, une telle mobilité internationale apparaît comme un facteur de transformation des hiérarchies sociales. / This PhD research analyzes the social dimension of Malian students' mobility in French and Moroccan higher education. Confronted with a higher education system with limited capacity, many Malian students perceive mobility as a loophole. These students going abroad perpetuate a tradition of mobility consubstantial with the training of Malian elites in the twentieth century. This mobility is encouraged by the state through cooperation exchanges, as well as private educational institutions particularly in Morocco, that adapt their educational options and services to the demands of sub-Saharan countries. We interrogate how geographical mobility is part of a social mobility strategy and then demonstrate how inequalities in the Malian school system, based on disparities in economic, cultural and social capital, shape inequalities in access to mobility. However, these inequalities are overcome by the mobilization of "weak ties", including extended kinship, by socially disadvantaged students. Social capital plays a crucial role in achieving success through mobility, where students from disadvantaged families succeed as much as those from elite families with politico-economic and religious clout. The career paths of Malian graduates from France and Morocco finally highlight the key role of international mobility for higher education, in addition to schooling in Mali: a guarantee of access to elite status in Mali, for the greater number. Consequently, international mobility appears as a factor in the transformation of social hierarchies.

Le PIB/ habitant de Madagascar classe le pays parmi l'un des plus pauvres au monde. L’État s'est engagé dans les objectifs de l’Éducation primaire universelle. Malgré cela, les indicateurs d'efficacité du système scolaire sont faibles. En 2012, seul 68,8% des enfants achèvent le cycle primaire, les taux de redoublement sont élevés, le taux de passage en cycle secondaire est faible. Aussi, le travail des enfants est encore un phénomène important dans la grande île. En 2010, près de 21% des 5-17 ans travaille, c'est le cas de 49% des 5-14 ans dans la région d'enquête, le Vakinankaratra. Dans les zones rurales, où la plupart des ménages vivent de l'agriculture d'autosubsistance, la main-d’œuvre infantile est fortement mise à contribution dans la production domestique. Les enfants sont tenus de combiner leurs activités scolaires et les activités productives. Nous proposons dans cette thèse de présenter les processus de scolarisation et de mise au travail des enfants à une échelle très fine. Pour ce faire, nous avons mené une enquête quantitative portant sur 247 ménages et une enquête qualitative dans deux villages et deux écoles primaires publiques qui étaient rattachées pendant quatorze mois. Les données quantitatives ont permis de mettre en exergue le lien entre les structures démographiques des ménages et la réussite scolaire des enfants. La monographie d'une des écoles primaires a permis de montrer les effets d'une faible qualité de l'offre sur les processus d'apprentissage des enfants et sur la demande scolaire. Par ailleurs, nous avons analysé les conséquences de la faible dotation en capitaux scolaires et économiques des ménages sur le déroulement de la scolarisation. Nous avons également mené des enquêtes par entretien auprès des enfants âgés entre 8 et 14 ans. Nous avons voulu savoir comment leurs représentations du travail et de l'école et leurs aspirations pouvaient influencer les processus de mise au travail et d'arrêt de la scolarisation. Finalement cette thèse permet d'analyser comment les objectifs de l'école primaire universelle peuvent être atteints face à la pauvreté des ménages et aux manques de moyens de l'école. Elle questionne également la capacité que pourrait avoir l'école à infléchir les processus de transmission des inégalités sociales et, dans notre cas, la reproduction de la grande pauvreté. / Madagascar is one of the poorest country in the world regarding its GPD per capita. Most of its population lives under the poverty line. The government is committed in the education for all plan since 1990. However, the quality of education is still low. In 2012, only 68.8% of the children achieved the primary school cycle, there are high repetition rates and few students access to the secondary school cycle. Most of international institution and NGO's oppose child labor and schooling. Child labor remains important, in 2010, 21% of the children aged from 5 to 17 years old work. We have conducted a survey about the households living in the rural zones. Most of them live from subsistence farming activities. Their children must participate to the domestic chores and economic activities and combine school at the same time. This work aims to understand the process of schooling and child work in a rural zone. We have collected quantitative data on 246 household and we made an ethnography in a primary state school for 14 months. Then, we have conducted semi-structured interviews with mothers, teachers and children aged from 8 to 14 years old. The quantitative data helped to analyze the relationship between the household demographic structures and the children school attainment. The ethnography shown the impact of a weak quality of education on the children learning process and on the school demand. The interviews conducted with the children shown how their perception of work and schooling and their aspiration could influence the reproduction of their economic and social position. To conclude, we question how the primary education for all can be reached when most of the household live in poor life conditions and the education sector suffers from a lack of funds. Can the school system stop the transmission of social and economic inequalities and break the poverty cycle?