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No / As the ‘War on Terror’ evolves into the ‘Long War’ against Islamo-fascism, it demands an enduring commitment to ensuring the security of the United States and its allies. This policy is based on the requirement to maintain control in a fractured and unpredictable global environment, while paying little attention to the underlying issues that lead to insecurity. It is an approach that is manifestly failing, as the continuing problems in Afghanistan and Iraq demonstrate. Moreover, ‘control’ implies the maintenance of a global order that focuses on power remaining in the hands of a transnational elite community, principally focused on North America and Western Europe, but extending worldwide. This elite largely ignores socio-economic divisions and environmental constraints, and sees continuing stability as being best achieved by the maintenance of the status quo, using force when necessary. This collection of essays by Professor Paul Rogers argues that this post-Cold War security paradigm is fundamentally misguided and unsustainable. It concludes with two new essays on the need for a new conception of global security rooted in justice and emancipation. Global Security and the War on Terror will be essential reading for students and scholars of security studies, the Cold War, international relations and development studies.

Yes / Research evidence suggests that professional players across a variety of sports may be at greater risk of developing addictions and other mental illnesses than the general population, both during and post-career. In this paper, we report findings from a larger project on the experiences of career transition in UK professional footballers that provide some insight into this. Using an Interpretative Phenomenological approach, four ex-professional footballers who were attending the Sporting Chance Clinic for help with problems concerning alcohol and gambling were interviewed in depth about their experiences. Focussing on issues the players perceived to be relevant to their addictions, the data were analysed thematically, drawing on Van Manen’s phenomenological method, and individual case histories were also produced. The analysis suggested that club culture was key to understanding the players’ difficulties; a harsh, unsupportive psychological environment combined with expectations of manliness resulted in a culture of silence in the face of personal difficulties. Relationships within the culture of pro-football were fraught with anxiety and distrust, leaving the players feeling unable and unwilling to disclose their problems and feeling used and unvalued by their managers. The lack of supportive relationships in their clubs also resulted in loneliness and social withdrawal for the participants. We conclude with a number of recommendations for the governing bodies in professional football, clubs and individual players.

Por meio da análise de três imagens presentes nas fontes e documentação produzidas desde o século XVIII até meados do XIX - \"sertanistas\", \"paulistas\" e \"agricultores\" -, esta tese debruça-se sobre as transformações nas relações entre as elites de São Paulo, os grupos indígenas e o território, engendradas no dito período. Partimos das discussões acerca da história cultural e do imaginário construído sobre as populações da capitania e depois província paulista, a um só tempo produto e vetor de decisões e contextos políticos, econômicos e sociais. O recorte cronológico adotado, de cerca de um século, considerado pela historiografia como longa duração, fez-se necessário para permitir o aprofundamento sobre os elementos de mudança e permanência que compõem o movimento estudado. Três conjuntos documentais centrais foram mobilizados em nossas investigações, a saber: o chamado Mapa das Cortes (1749), parte dos instrumentos de negociação confeccionados pela Coroa portuguesa em suas disputas diplomáticas com a contraparte espanhola pela remarcação de suas fronteiras coloniais; os escritos genealógicos de Pedro Taques de Almeida Paes Leme (1714-1777), produzidos originalmente com fins à obtenção de privilégios e mercês para as principais famílias paulistas, a partir de processos de nobilitação; e o Mappa Chorographico da Provincia de São Paulo (1841), primeira representação cartográfica da recém-criada província paulista. Nossas conclusões apontam para o distanciamento das elites em relação aos contingentes indígenas - que fizeram parte, inclusive, da fundação de parte dos troncos familiares pertencentes a esse grupo -, em meio à reconfiguração do território e de seu uso, para o que foram importadas teorias e princípios advindos da razão e da ilustração. A presença dos nativos nas terras desejadas para a agricultura de exportação foi também transfigurada em questão social e econômica, a ser esquadrinhada e resolvida pelos intelectuais e políticos do período, encerrando sua autonomia e cerceando consecutivamente a legitimidade de seu domínio sobre o território. / Analyzing three images bore in sources and documents created from the 18th to mid-19th-century--\"sertanistas\", \"paulistas\", and \"agricultores\"--, this thesis explores the transforming relations between São Paulo\'s elite, indigenous groups, and the territory, that occurred during said period. We start from the fields of cultural history and the discussions about images of the captaincy and province\'s population, both made by and desive for political, economic, and social contexts. The chosen chronological scope, of around one century, considered as a longuee dureé time-scale, was demmed necessary to enable a deeper understanding over the changes and persistences that took place at that moment. Three were the main documents with which we worked: the so-called Mapa das Cortes (1749), part of the dossier manufactured by the Portuguese Crown for negotiations with their Spanish counterpart over colonial borders; Pedro Taques de Almeida Paes Leme\'s (1714-1777) genealogical writtings, originally organized for the purposes of requiring privileges and honorary titles for the most important families of São Paulo; and the Mappa Chorographico da Provincia de São Paulo (1841), first cartographical representation of the newly-created province. Our conclusions point to the distancing of these elites from indigenous groups--which had even been part of the establishment of these families--amid the territory\'s reconfiguration, put in motion through the importing of enlighment theories and principles. The very presence of native population in the lands coveted for agriculture was turned into a social and economical issue, to be investigated and solved by intelectuals and politicians, closing in on their autonomy and successively restricting their territorial domain.

Die Dissertation ist dem politischen Denken Max Schelers gewidmet. Die Darstellung und Analyse von Schelers politischem Denken zwischen Kaiserreich und Weimarer Republik ist um die zentralen Begriffe Wert und Elite strukturiert. Schelers Bemühen um eine Stabilisierung der politisch-gesellschaftlichen Verhältnisse mit metapolitischen Mitteln ist das Resultat seiner Zeitdiagnostik. Er warnt angesichts der Entwicklung zu einer individualistischen Gesellschaft vor den damit einhergehenden Dissoziierungstendenzen. Seine Überlegungen zur Elite ziehen sich wie ein roter Faden durch sein Werk und prägen sein Politikverständnis. Durch die synchrone und diachrone Darstellungsweise wird der Umkreis jener elitetheoretischer Erörterungen einbezogen, die bis heute der Ausgangspunkt mancher Diskurse bilden. Entgegen der Tendenz den komplexen Elitebegriff der stratifizierten Gesellschaft, in der Macht-, Funktions- und Wertelite koinzidierten, auf seine funktionale Komponente zu reduzieren, in der Funktion und Leistung von Werten und Orientierung entkoppelt werden, hält Scheler an dem komplexen Elitebegriff fest und erklärt insbesondere die Bedeutung von Wertvermittlung und Sinnstiftung zum Nukleus seines Elitebegriffs. / This dissertation is dedicated to Max Scheler's political thinking. The representation and analysis of Scheler's political thinking between German Empire and Weimar Republic is structured around the central concepts of value and elite. Scheler's endeavour to stabilize the political and social conditions by meta-political means comes as the result of his time-diagnosis warning of dissociation tendencies that come along with the development towards an individualistic society. Reflections on elite is the central theme of his work and mark his concept of politics. The synchronic and diachronic reprensentation involves the vicinity of those theoretical elite discussions that even today form the basis of some discourses. Contrary to the tendency to reduce the complex elite concept of stratified society, in which elite of power, function and value coincided, to its functional component, in which function and performance are being uncoupled from value and orientation, Scheler sticks to the complex concept of elite and particularly emphasizes the meaning of imparting value and sense as the nucleus of his elite term.

L'intensité de la mobilité à l'intérieur du pays merina est illustrée par la première réforme agraire d'Andrianampoinimerina pour assurer les délimitations du royaume et en organiser l'expansion. Des territoires, les lohombitany, sont attribués à certains groupes pour récompenser la fidélité et les services rendus au souverain.Les Ramainandro, faisant partie des Merina, constituent ainsi l'objet par excellence d'une étude sur les apports des migrations. Leur regroupement à l'ouest de l'Ankaratra, suite à l'acquisition d'un lohombitany sous Radama I, leur octroya un statut social distinct, se manifestant par l'émergence de l'intelligentsia et des religieux chrétiens.Deux grandes raisons expliquent leur ascension: d'une part, le rôle catalyseur des missionnaires chrétiens qui ont fait de Ramainandro son terrain de prédilection et d'autre part, la reconnaissance française suite au soutien d'une fraction du groupe qui lutta contre l'insurrection des Menalamba au début de la colonisation.Actuellement, ils continuent de se déplacer un peu partout, sans rompre avec le territoire qui leur a été attribué, conservant leur identité d'une manière remarquable. L'attachement au tombeau ancestral et aux terres ancestrales constitue une preuve irréfutable de l'appartenance territoriale et l'identité du groupe. En outre, les membres du groupe ont constitué une généalogie profonde justifiant leur droit au lohombitany. De puissants réseaux d'associations sont formés pour revendiquer le statut de Ramainandro.L'étude généalogique, l'analyse biographique ainsi que les récits de vie permettent de découvrir le portrait des Ramainandro, comme groupe appartenant anciennement à l'Ambodirano et l'Imerina. / The degree of mobility within the Merina region is showed by the first agrarian reform leaded by the King Andrianampoinimerina in order to ensure the limits of the kingdom and organize its expansion in the 18th century. Territories, called lohombitany are at that time allotted to some groups by way of reward for the loyalty and service towards the sovereign. The Ramainandro, part of the Merina tribe are an excellent topic for a study about the contribution of migration. Their grouping in the west of the Ankaratra massif, due to the acquisition of a lohombitany under Radama I, conferred them a distinct status, confirmed by the emergence of the Christian intelligentsia and monks. Two main reasons can explain the exceptional rise of this tribe: on one hand, the catalyst role of the Christian missionary who chose Ramainandro as one of its favorite field; on the second hand, the French recognition resulting from the support given by a fraction of the group which helped to weaken the anti-French insurrection of the Menalamba, on the beginning of colonization. Currently, they continue to migrate without breaking with the territory assigned to them, retaining their identity in a remarkable way. The attachment to ancestral shrine and ancestral lands is an irrefutable proof of territorial belonging and group identity. In addition, the group carried out a detailed genealogy in order to justify their right to the lohombitany in question. Moreover, powerful networks of associations are founded to claim the status of Ramainandro. The genealogical study, biographical and life stories help to discover the portrait of Ramainandro tribe as formerly belonging to the groups of Ambodirano and Imerina

Este trabalho procura analisar as particularidades do processo urbano no contexto do desenvolvimento do modo de produção capitalista brasileiro, destacando, sobretudo, os aspectos do planejamento urbano na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo. A relação do Estado junto aos mecanismos de acumulação capitalista é determinante e justifica o presente estágio de precariedade observado nas aglomerações urbanas brasileiras. Tratase de uma sociedade capitalista onde a acumulação entravada serve de base material para assegurar as formas de reprodução social, que impede o pleno desenvolvimento das forças produtivas, bem como das condições da vida urbana. O período desse estudo tem como enfoque as décadas de 1960 e 1970, quando são intensificadas as atividades de planejamento no país e novos elementos são inseridos para a organização das metrópoles, como a elaboração dos planos centralizados e integrados. Porém, mantidos somente no plano discursivo, logo fracassaram. Com o avanço da ideologia neoliberal, a partir da década de 1990, instituições metropolitanas sofreram um progressivo esvaziamento programático e privilegiou-se um modelo de planejamento urbano fragmentado e \"despolitizado\". É possível observar, portanto, que as aglomerações urbanas se organizam em função das necessidades intrínsecas do modo de produção capitalista no Brasil e suas particularidades, e que evidenciam as tensões sociais constitutivas da metrópole de uma sociedade de elite. O processo de transformação dessa perspectiva depende da própria transformação da sociedade, no sentido de criar as condições necessárias para instituição de mecanismos capazes de romper com os entraves que prejudicam seu pleno desenvolvimento. / This work intends to analyze the idiosyncrasies of urban process in the context of the Brazilian development of capitalist mode of production, emphasizing the aspects of urban planning of São Paulo Metropolitan Area. The subservient relation between the State and the mechanisms of capitalist accumulation determines the city development and is strictly related to the current terms of urban precariousness, verified in most of the Brazilian urban agglomerations. These terms could be understood by the hindered accumulation, that underlies the forms of ensuring the reproduction of hegemonic players, represented by the Brazilian elite, and at the other side, amongst the cities, it prevents the development of suitable conditions of urban life, improving levels of social reproduction and hence the levels of infrastructure and urban services. In the decades of 1960\'s and 1970\'s, at the high wave of the centralized planning, new elements had been brought into reorganization of urban agglomeration, through the development of the superplans, such as the PUB-1968 and PMDI-1971; and shortly thereafter, the first measures are adopted towards the institutionalization of the metropolitan areas. However, with the 1980\'s expansion of neoliberal ideology, those proposals, with their centralized and integrated features, are abandoned, favoring a fragmented and depoliticized model of urban planning, ratified by de 1988\'s Constitution. Thus, throughout the 1990\'s, metropolitan institutions such as EMPLASA suffer a progressive depletion programming, which is worsened by the economic crisis, as the investment in infrastructure and planning are abandoned. Currently, conurbation process induces local agreements according to the needs inherited in special Brazilian circumstances, which highlights social tensions that constitute a metropolis of an elite society. This perspective could be transformed only if society organizes itself so as to break these barriers that undermine its own development.

A presente dissertação consiste em uma tentativa de apreender a figuração da elite a partir do ponto de vista que organiza o romance Azul e dura, de Beatriz Bracher. Procuramos determinar a especificidade do olhar da narradora-protagonista em sua relação com o contexto histórico e social contemporâneo com o intuito de definir de que maneira esse olhar capta aspectos significativos da experiência histórica atual. A hipótese que orienta a análise é a de que o romance escrito a partir do ponto de vista de um representante da mais alta elite, e calcado em seu percurso de sofrimento psíquico-social, produz o efeito de cooptação do leitor. Tentamos investigar os limites da formalização que, ao não alcançar o distanciamento, convida o leitor a se colar ao ponto de vista da narradora marcado pelo sentimento de impotência social e pela acomodação ao estado de coisas vigente. / The dissertation that follows aims at analyzing the figuration of the elite from the point of view that organizes the novel Azul e dura, by Beatriz Bracher. We seek to determine the specificity of the perspective of the narrator, who is the protagonist of the narrative, in its relation to the social and economical contemporary context, in order to demonstrate how the point of view of the narrative grasps relevant aspects of the current historical experience. Our hypothesis is that the novel written from the perspective of a representative of our highest elite, and centered in her trajectory of social and psychic suffering, produces the effect of co-optation of the reader. We tried to investigate the limits of the formalization that, without achieving distancing effect, invites the reader to partake the narrators viewpoint characterized by the feeling of social impotence and conformism to the current state of things.