The rapid and sustained development of the rural regions of South Africa continues to pose an extraordinary challenge to the development community of the country. Policy makers continue to be overwhelmed by the lack of development in the rural areas in spite of the various efforts made to develop them. A review of the publications and development plans of the study region indicates that the planners have for long been pre-occupied with taking limited perspectives of the development planning problems. Development plans have been conceived and implemented in terms of individual sectors instead of looking at their relations with other sectors and regions. This study seeks to make a contribution to the solution of the development problems of the rural areas of the former homeland regions by demonstrating how an integrated approach to the research process and to development planning could make a difference to the lives of the rural communities. This theme is illustrated with reference to the rural energy sector and its relations with the broader regional development problems, challenges and plans of the Sekhukhune district municipality of the Limpopo Province. / GEOGRAPHY / MA (GEOGRAPHY)

Thesis (MBA (Business Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2008. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Suid-Afrikaanse Heropbouings Program (HOP) asook die Groei Indiensnemings- en Herverdelingsprogram(GEAR) het ‘n geweldige hoë standaard gestel vir die verskaffing van basiese dienste soos behuising en elektrifisëring vir almal. Die meer effektiewe gebruik van elektriese energie het die sosiale en politieke potensiaal om by te dra tot die sukses van GEAR ten opsigte van die geteikende lae inkomste gemeenskappe waar daar nie tans voldoende elektriese energie beskikbaar is nie. Hierdie studie dek ook die inisiatiewe ten opsigte van effektiewe elektriese energie waaroor die Suid-Afrikaanse regering in vennootskap met Eskom tans navorsing doen om te bepaal of daar enige ekonomiese waarde is, en/of die lae inkomste gemeenskappe deur die sogenoemde inisiatiewe bevoordeel kan word. Die studie sluit ook navorsing in om die bewustheid van die lae inkomste gemeenskappe ten opsigte van effektiewe elektriese energie te bepaal. Die studie kyk verder na verskeie ander voltooide studies ten opsigte van effektiewe energie in lae inkomste gemeenskappe. Alhoewel verskeie ander effektiewe energie programme wel hoë ekonomiese en omgewings voordele uit 'n sosiale oogpunt inhou, is dieselfde programme glad nie aantreklik vir die verbruikers nie. Vir hierdie feit is die regering se bemiddeling wel belangrik. Die uitslag van die studie ondersoek ook die verskillende beleidsopsies (nie in diepte nie) om die struikelblokke van effektiewe energie te oorkom, asook moontlike oplossings vir die regering om die verskille tussen wat goed is vir die gemeenskap, en wat goed is vir die elektriese industrie te oorbrug. Die studie toets ook die bewustheid van effektiewe energie onder die lae inkomste gemeenskappe en hul huidige deelname aan effektiewe energie programme. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa’s Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) as well as Growth Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) set ambitious goals for providing basic services to all, including housing and electrification. More efficient use of electrical energy has the potential to socially and politically support the goals of GEAR, particularly when it is targeted at low-income communities lacking adequate energy services. This study looks at electrical energy efficiency initiatives that the South African government has under taken on its own as well as in partnership with Eskom and to check if there is any economic value that the poor communities may benefit from these initiatives. The study will also check the awareness of poor communities of electrical energy efficiency. Various studies in the subject of energy efficiency in relation to the poor communities that have been done in the past will also be looked at in this study. While many energy efficiency programmes may have significant economic and environmental benefits from a social perspective, they may not be as attractive to utilities and consumers. That is why government intervention is important. As a result this study also examine (not in great depth) the policy options for overcoming the significant barriers to energy efficiency, and ways government can bridge the gap between what is good for society and what is good for the electricity industry. This study extends further on checking the awareness of energy efficiency by the poor communities and their current participation in the energy efficiency programmes.

An analysis of the Russian factor in China’s energy policy in Central Asia shows that the importance of energy abundant region Central Asia is getting increased as the world oil demand goes up and the instability in the Middle East gets into a more serious position. As the second largest consumer of energy, China is getting more interested in this region. China’s reluctance to become excessively tied to the Middle East as a source of oil also is another reason that turns China’s face to Central Asia. Not being the only one who is starving for energy makes China to face with other great states (Russia and the US) who has the common interests with China in the region. Therefore, in order to understand China’s energy policy in Central Asia, one has to consider about the policies of other great states in the region. This study focuses on Russian factor in China’s energy policy in Central Asia. There is no doubt that, Russia’s policy in the region has a great effect in China’s every tactic in the region, but today’s one supreme power has an enormous effect on both of the states in the region. The main conclusion of the analysis is that Sino-Russia relations are likely to be more cooperative than competitive. Russia, with its abundant energy resources, is a very good partner that China can get into an energy-trade relationship with. They both are against the US influence in the region. Sino-Russian relations are likely to remain stable in the short and medium term, based on a convergence of interests. The happy state of the relationship may end in the longer term when both side dont need eachother in economic terms. China-US and US -Russia relations are more competitive than cooperative. So there is a big struggle for energy among these three great states. Energy rich Central Asian states’ -Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan- more pragmatic policies make these trilateral relations more complex.

全球能源消費大國之中，日本的低能源蘊藏量以及高能源利用率常引起多方研究。本文從蒐集並整理日本戰後至2011年間的能源政策、比較311前後兩個執政黨（民主黨、自民黨）的能源政策立場，到探究日本於311後能源政策轉折的方向及原因、並且進一步推敲出日本的能源治理模式。因此發現，日本在二戰之後就開始運用一系列的政策手段與能源市場干預途徑，突破低能源蘊藏量之先天不利條件，達到高能源利用率之後天技術優勢所創造的經濟成長。而當日本經歷2011年3月11日東日本大震災後，政府更強烈介入能源市場，希望進行能源結構的轉型，使得日本得以維持能源高自主率與溫室氣體低排放率的目標。本文因此結論，日本雖然身為能源匱乏國，但是它的能源政策充分體現出了國家介入能源市場由上而下治理模式的特性，使得日本得以突破能源約束，在諸多能源不利之條件下開創了近半世紀的經濟高度發展期。此外，本文亦結論日本於全球能源治理的角色可以歸納為三：（1）全球溫室氣體減量暨全球能源安全提升的追隨者；（2）區域性能源合作的示範者；（3）全球核能安全建立的示範者等三種角色。 / Japan is noted for its low energy endowment but high energy efficiency among the global top energy consuming nations. In this study, collection of the past Japanese energy policies from 1945 to 2011, comparison of the political stances on the energy strategies between the two Japanese ruling parties, Liberal Democratic Party and The Democratic Party, and investigation on factors causing a change of Japan’s energy policy post Fukushima contributed to outlining the pattern of Japan’s energy governance. This study found that Japan’s intervening in its the post-war domestic energy market by means of a string of policy instruments has successfully made Japan overcome the predicament of high energy demands out of low energy reserves, further achieve the edge of high energy efficiency, and therefore create its outstanding economic growth. Nevertheless, after experiencing another energy predicament post Fukushima, Japan made more effort on the intervention into its energy market to transform its domestic energy consumption structure with a view to maintaining high energy self-sufficient rates and low GHGs emissions. To conclude, although Japan is a nation of insufficient energy resources, its energy policies reveal the trait that the state intervenes in the energy market by the top-down governance approach to make its way to break through the energy constraints, creating a nearly half-century’s economic prosperity. Besides, we also conclude that Japan plays three major roles in the domain of global energy governance: 1. a follower of global GHGs emission abatement and global energy security enhancement, 2. a demonstrator on regional energy cooperation and, 3. a model of building global nuclear power safety.

La thèse est consacrée aux politiques énergétiques mises en place par les autorités locales, plus particulièrement au niveau régional. La remise en question des systèmes énergétiques basés sur les énergies fossiles donne aux échelons locaux un rôle de plus en plus important dans ce domaine. En effet, la complexité des systèmes énergétiques impose d'agir au plus près des consommateurs pour maintenir l'équité d'accès et pour adapter la distribution aux besoins et usages. En parallèle, les contraintes environnementales et la recherche d'une exploitation plus raisonnée des ressources disponibles nécessitent une connaissance fine des territoires et de leurs potentialités énergétiques. Dans ce contexte, les autorités locales ont encore du mal à identifier l'ensemble des éléments qui composent les systèmes énergétiques territoriaux et à cerner les contours de ces derniers. L'enjeu essentiel de notre recherche est alors de déterminer leur structure et leur fonctionnement afin de mettre en évidence des leviers institutionnels pouvant être actionnés au niveau local dans le cadre de politiques énergétiques.La première partie de la thèse s'intéresse aux liens existant entre fonctionnement du territoire et problématique énergétique. Nous montrons l'intérêt spécifique de la géographie et de l'approche territoriale pour éclairer cette relation dans la double perspective de l'aménagement du territoire et de la mobilisation des acteurs. La deuxième partie est consacrée à l'identification des instruments mobilisables et actions réalisables par les autorités locales pour maîtriser les consommations et développer les énergies renouvelables. À partir de ces constats, la troisième partie traite plus spécifiquement de l'échelon régional. L'étude des Schémas régionaux du climat, de l'air et de l'énergie (SRCAE) et des Observatoires régionaux de l'énergie montre l'intérêt de ce niveau d'échelle qui peut, par sa position d'interface entre local et global, contribuer efficacement à l'amélioration de la connaissance des territoires. Celle-ci est indispensable à la mise en place d'actions coordonnées entre les acteurs et à l'élaboration de politiques réellement adaptées aux spécificités locales. / The thesis is about French local authorities' energy policies, and more particularly about regional policies. In a context of reassessment of fossil fuel-based energy systems, local authorities have a key role to play. Indeed, energy systems are complex and require to act locally, in order to keep fair access for consumers and to adapt supply to needs and uses. In the same way, environmental constraints and sustainable exploitation of local resources involve to have a good knowledge of territory and of local energy potential. But, local authorities do not know much about boundaries and about components of territorial energy systems. The main purpose of the thesis is to determine structure and behaviour of these energy systems in order to identify public policy incentive levers at local scale.The first part of the thesis deals with the links between land uses, actors' behaviours, political choices and energy consumptions. Here, we point out the specific interest of geography and territorial approach to treat energy issue, both for land planning and for actors' mobilization. In the second part, we identify policy instruments which local authorities should dispose and actions they should implement in order to develop energy saving and renewables. Then, the third part is more specific to regional level. The analysis of two French planning instruments (Regional Plans for Climate, Air and Energy and Regional Energy Observatories), shows the interest of this scale which could, with its position between national and local levels, contribute to improve knowledge of territories, to coordinate local actions and to develop energy policies adapted to local specificities.

The thesis will focus on outlooks of the Czech energy system, especially with respect to supply-demand balance and generation adequacy. The current situation in the electricity market will be used as a starting point for projections of future scenarios. The scenarios will look at possible issues and challenges as well as further developments that the Czech energy system will be facing in the near future. These problems and challenges can be defined as the mid-term and long-term ability to balance supply and demand for electricity in the Czech Republic. The increase in production of electricity from renewable resources and the subsequent loss of flexibility of power sources go hand in hand with adverse economic conditions, together worsening the overall risk in the electricity system. At the same time we must take into account changes in EU energy policy and its effect on member countries, such as the planned shutdown of nuclear power plants in Germany, increased taxation of carbon dioxide production, supported production of electricity from renewable resources, and integration of energy markets. We must consider the harmonization of methods that are used to evaluate the adequacy and security of a production portfolio, known as a generation adequacy, while meeting the requirements of the given system and...

As the diploma's thesis it was chosen the theoretical analysis of the geopolitical position of Russia. The primary objective of this study is the evaluation of current geopolitics of the Russian Federation after the collapse of Soviet Union and outlines its future development. This work tries to answer a few basic questions. What is the current geopolitical situation in Russia, in what direction it develops, and whether we can declare a major shift to any direction. The work is divided into several main parts. Introduction is followed by a theoretical grasp of key concepts and the main actors involved in geopolitics. The other two parts contain an analysis of the relationship of Russia to key actors such as the US and NATO, the EU, China, Ukraine, the near neighborhood in Central Asia and the Transcaucasia and geopolitics of oil and natural gas. The last is practical part, in which the information from the previous sections is applied to specific examples in Russian foreign policy. Keywords: Geopolitics, Russia, eurasianism, foreign policy, the US, the EU, China, Central Asia, Ukraine, NATO, energy policy, oil, natural gas

The 2010 BP Deepwater Horizon oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico awakened communities to the increased risk of large-scale damage along their coastlines presented by new technology in deep water drilling. Normal accident theory and high reliability theory offer a framework through which to view the 2010 spill that features predictive criteria linked to a qualitative assessment of risk presented by technology and organizations. The 2010 spill took place in a sociotechnical system that can be described as complex and tightly coupled, and therefore prone to normal accidents. However, the entities in charge of managing this technology lacked the organizational capacity to safely operate within this sociotechnical system.

In this thesis, I examine the politics of European Union (EU) and Russian energy relations. The main analysis is focused on the Russian energy policy towards the European Union and whether or not Moscow’s attempts at deepening reliance on Russian’s natural gas are a part of a Russian broad strategy or to gain political leverage vis-à-vis European countries. More specifically, this thesis focuses on the state-owned natural gas company Gazprom as a tool of Russia’s energy policy and the extent to which Russian authorities use this company to shape the politics of EU – Russian energy relations. This study investigates whether Gazprom has become an extension of the Russian government, and whether the company has been used as leverage tool to affect relations between the EU and Russia. Finally, this study also traces the tremendous growth of the EU – Russia energy partnership by examining several ongoing projects. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2013.

RésuméCette thèse a pour but de contribuer à l'histoire des communautés européennes et à la compréhension du processus de prise de décision au sein de cette coopération. Elle a pour objectif de clarifier l'importance du choc pétrolier pour la coopération européenne. Plus particulièrement, elle vise à comprendre quels effets immédiats et à court terme cette crise eut sur le développement d'une politique énergétique commune : La crise pétrolière fut-elle un levier ou une barrière au développement d'une politique énergétique commune? D'un côté, il se peut que le choc pétrolier ait accéléré le processus de prise de décision parce qu'il créa une urgence à traiter les problèmes d'approvisionnement du moment et à changer la dépendance européenne envers le pétrole du Moyen-Orient sur le long terme. D'un autre côté, il se peut que le choc pétrolier ait ralenti l'évolution d'une politique énergétique commune en intensifiant une confrontation entre les perspectives divergentes des Neuf, bloquant ainsi tout compromis. Dans ce contexte, des questions se posent quant aux raisons pour lesquelles les états membres recherchaient une coopération dans le domaine énergétique sans chercher de compromis au niveau de leurs intérêts divergents.Cette thèse a donné un aperçu sur différents aspects du processus de prise de décision dans les communautés européennes. La Commission européenne apparait dans cette recherche comme intervenant activement dans le développement d'une politique énergétique commune après la fusion de l'exécutif des communautés en 1967. L'échec de consensus en mai 1973 prouve toutefois que le besoin d'une coopération énergétique commune des gouvernements nationaux ait été moins fort que les différences d'intérêt mutuelles. En outre, on peut en conclure que les Neuf jugèrent l'OCDE comme un organisme plus approprié pour faire face aux tensions du moment du marché pétrolier.Après le début du choc pétrolier la coopération au niveau supranational fut considérablement minimisée. Il est certain que la Commission ne resta pas apathique face aux problèmes pétroliers lors du choc pétrolier. L'institution réagit vivement aux déclarations des pays producteurs de pétrole par des propositions de juridiction sur une politique pétrolière à court terme et des lettres insistant sur une position commune face aux problèmes d'approvisionnement en pétrole. Au sein de la Commission plusieurs comités et groupes furent créés, ou se rencontrèrent plus fréquemment, et se concentrèrent sur différents aspects du choc pétrolier.Le choc pétrolier ne fut pas un accélérateur du traitement des juridictions au niveau commun. Toutefois, il y a quelques remarques à faire. Il convient de mentionner que le Groupe de l'énergie du Conseil permit, curieusement, un forum pour la discussion d'actions communes possibles pour traiter les problèmes pétroliers du moment. En outre, la création du Comité de l'énergie signifiait un changement important dans le processus européen de prise décision. Troisièmement, l'OCDE a eu un rôle plus important que constaté avant en tant qu'acteur important du processus de prise de décision européen au niveau de l'énergie.Lors du choc pétrolier il ne fut pas donné à la Commission européenne de rôle d'élaboration de politique concernant les problèmes pétroliers du moment. Dans une première phase, le Conseil refusa ce rôle à la Commission à cause des mesures arabes sur les réductions de production et par crainte d'aggraver la situation. Mais même si cet argument n'était plus valable, les propositions pour des politiques à court termes de la Commission ne furent pas acceptées. Par contre, à cette époque, il fut confié à la Commission la tâche d'élaborer un programme à moyen et long terme pour une politique énergétique commune jusqu'en 1985. À cet égard, le choc pétrolier semble avoir été le catalyseur d'une politique énergétique commune. / This thesis aims to contribute to the history of the European communities and to the understanding of the decision-making process within this cooperation. More specifically, it seeks an answer to the question of what immediate and short-term effects he oil shock had on the development of a common energy policy: Was the oil crisis a lever or a barrier for the development of a common European energy policy? On the one hand, the oil shock may have possibly accelerated the decision-making process because it created an urgency to deal with the current supply problems and to change the European dependency on Middle Eastern oil on the longer term. On the other hand, the oil shock may have slowed down the development of a common energy policy by escalating a confrontation between the diverging perspectives of the Nine, blocking, in this way, a compromise. In this context, questions arise about the reasons why member states were searching for cooperation in the field of energy without searching for a compromise for their diverging interests.This thesis gives insight into different aspects of the decision-making process at the European communities. The European Commission emerges from the research as an active actor in the development towards a common energy policy after the merger of the communities' executives in 1967. The failure to reach consensus in May 1973 shows, however, that the need from national governments for a joint energy cooperation was less significant than the mutual differences of interest. Moreover, it might be concluded that the Nine deemed the OECD a more appropriate body to face the current tensions in the oil market. Two weeks after the Energy Council, they had committed themselves to the consumer cooperation at the OECD, just like the other member countries of this organisation. The idea for such a closer cooperation had been pushed by the United States since 1972. Within the OECD's Oil Committee, the theme of a worldwide apportionment scheme was being discussed as well as the danger of outbidding prices. The most important questions of the time were thus already discussed within this forum which maintained the large advantage of including the United States.After the start of the oil shock, cooperation at supranational level was significantly minimised, although the Commission did certainly not remain apathetic towards the oil problems. The institution swiftly reacted to the oil producer countries' announcements with new proposals for jurisdiction on short-term oil policy and letters insisting on a joint position faced with the oil supply problems. Within the Commission several committees and groups were created, and existing committees met more regularly, and focused on different aspects of the oil shock. The oil shock was not an accelerator for the processing of jurisdiction at common level. Noteworthy is the fact, however, that the Energy Group of the Council surprisingly provided a forum for the discussion of possible common actions to counter the current oil problems. Moreover, the creation of this Energy Committee signified an important change within the European decision-making process. Thirdly, the OECD had a more important role than assumed in other studies in this field, as an actor in the European decision-making process on energy.During the oil shock the European Commission was not attributed a role in the policy making concerning the current oil problems. In a first phase, the Council refused to such a role for the Commission because of the Arab measures on production cuts and a fear to aggravate the situation. But even when this argument no longer applied the proposals for jurisdiction of the Commission were not accepted. By contrast, at that time the Commission was given the assignment of elaborating a mid- and long-term programme for a common energy policy until 1985. In that respect, the oil shock seems to have been a catalyst for a common energy policy.