The purpose of this thesis is to examine the role of identity when it comes to European integration. Specifically, the citizen of the European Union’s identity as exclusive national or as transnational. What does the social constructivist theory say when it comes to the role of EU-citizens identity and European integration? I also want to contribute to strengthen the social constructivist theory in political science and international politics. I will examine this through a discourse analysis on four different selected materials. A campaign webpage from the Vote Leave group who ran a campaign to make the Great Britain leave the European Union, an interview the German newspaper der SPIEGEL did with Marine Le Pen who is the party leader of the French right-winged party Rassemblent National, a debate article written by the French president Emmanuel Macron and the Swedish party Liberalernas webpage campaign for the European Parliament elections 2019. I analyse how the discourse these four examples shape and creates the feeling of national or transnational identity and what the message connected to that identity-making says about European integration. With my discourse analysis and the theories of Thomas Risse and Catherine E. De Vries on social constructivism, identity and European integration I analyse and see that those who identify exclusively with a national identity are less keen on solidarity between nations, common policies and have a xenophobic view as oppose to those who have a transnational identity who are positive towards solidarity between nations, want a closer European integration and are not hostile towards migrants. I come to the conclusion that the identity of the EU-citizens is a major factor in human action, political mobilization, political action as in choosing and voting for a party, the EU-institutions way of negotiating on common political issues, public opinion and election outcomes. This means that feeling of an exclusive national or transnational identity is an important factor of European integration.

<p>European cities of today are under the challenge to find ways to stay competitive and flourish in a rapidly changing world, where the old patterns of centrality and periphery not necessarily holds true. New and improved communication networks, a changed political geography in Europe, and the globalisation of not only the financial and industrial markets but also to a certain extent the globalisation of people, have all led to great challenges for cities and regions.</p><p>In a changed spatial reality the classic monocentric models are challenged by newer models of urbanisation. The polycentric urban region is one such model which has been used to describe urban regions like the Randstad in the Netherlands and the Rhein-Ruhr region in Germany. Regions which lack the single dominant central city of the monocentric models of old, and instead shows a high degree of more equal-sized and sometimes more specialised cities in regional cooperation. The polycentric urban region is in that aspect a possible model for how other urbanised regions in Europe may act to be able to position themselves as attractive urban regions and regional hubs in the European urban network.</p><p>Polycentric urban regions are not a universal solution, though. For such regions to work there are a number of prerequisites to be filled, something that makes it a possible future for regions like Haute-Normandie in France, where the two cities of Le Havre and Rouen have the possibility to form one urban region and already show signs of heading in that direction, while a region like Dolnośląskie in Poland – where the city of Wrocław is the dominant city in what makes for a more classic monocentric region – has much less opportunity to use a polycentric strategy on the regional level to become competitive. On the other hand such a city and region can instead benefit from the fact that Poland is to a high degree a polycentric nation, and as one of the larger cities in such an environment, Wrocław has the opportunity to position itself as a hub in the European urban network in a way that Le Havre and Rouen cannot, due to their physical location close to the giant European urban region of Paris.</p> / <p>Dagens europeiska städer står inför en utmaning att finna sätt att förbli konkurrenskraftiga och framgångsrika i en snabbt föränderlig värld, där de gamla mönstren vad gäller centralitet och periferi inte längre nödvändigtvis gäller. Nya och förbättrade kommunikationsnätverk, en förändrad politisk geografi i Europa, globaliseringen av inte bara de finansiella och industriella systemen, utan även till viss del en globalisering av människorna, har alla lett till stora utmaningar för städer och regioner.</p><p>I en förändrad rumsgeografisk verklighet utmanas de klassiska monocentriska modellerna av nyare urbaniseringsmodeller. Den polycentriska urbana regionen är en sådan modell som har använts för att beskriva urbana regioner som Randstad i Nederländerna och Rhein-Ruhrregionen i Tyskland. Regioner som saknar den ensamt dominierande centrala staden från de klassiska monocentriska modellerna, och istället uppvisar en hög grad av mer jämnstora och ibland mer specialiserade städer i regionalt samarbete. Den polycentriska urbana regionen är mot den bakgrunden en möjlig modell för hur andra urbaniserade regioner i Europa kan agera för att positionera sig själva som attraktiva urbana regioner och regionala nav i det Europeiska urbana nätverket.</p><p>Polycentriska urbana regioner är däremot inte någon universallösning. För att sådana regioner ska fungera krävs att ett antal punkter är uppfyllda, något som gör det till en möjlig framtid för regioner som exempelvis Haute-Normandie i Frankrike, där de två städerna Le Havre och Rouen tillsammans kan bilda en urban region och redan visar tecken på att gå i den riktningen, medan en region som Dolnośląskie i Polen – där staden Wrocław är den dominerande staden i vad som utgör en mer traditionell monocentrisk region – har betydligt mindre möjlighet att använda sig av en polycentrisk strategi på det regionala planet för att bli konkurrenskraftig. Å andra sidan kan en sådan stad och region istället utnyttja det faktum att Polen är en ovanligt polycentrisk stat, och som en av de större städerna i en sådan miljö har Wrocław möjligheten att positionera sig själv som ett nav i det europeiska urbana nätverket på ett sätt som Le Havre och Rouen inte kan, till följd av deras fysiska lokalisering nära den gigantiska europeiska urbaniserade regionen Paris.</p>

European cities of today are under the challenge to find ways to stay competitive and flourish in a rapidly changing world, where the old patterns of centrality and periphery not necessarily holds true. New and improved communication networks, a changed political geography in Europe, and the globalisation of not only the financial and industrial markets but also to a certain extent the globalisation of people, have all led to great challenges for cities and regions. In a changed spatial reality the classic monocentric models are challenged by newer models of urbanisation. The polycentric urban region is one such model which has been used to describe urban regions like the Randstad in the Netherlands and the Rhein-Ruhr region in Germany. Regions which lack the single dominant central city of the monocentric models of old, and instead shows a high degree of more equal-sized and sometimes more specialised cities in regional cooperation. The polycentric urban region is in that aspect a possible model for how other urbanised regions in Europe may act to be able to position themselves as attractive urban regions and regional hubs in the European urban network. Polycentric urban regions are not a universal solution, though. For such regions to work there are a number of prerequisites to be filled, something that makes it a possible future for regions like Haute-Normandie in France, where the two cities of Le Havre and Rouen have the possibility to form one urban region and already show signs of heading in that direction, while a region like Dolnośląskie in Poland – where the city of Wrocław is the dominant city in what makes for a more classic monocentric region – has much less opportunity to use a polycentric strategy on the regional level to become competitive. On the other hand such a city and region can instead benefit from the fact that Poland is to a high degree a polycentric nation, and as one of the larger cities in such an environment, Wrocław has the opportunity to position itself as a hub in the European urban network in a way that Le Havre and Rouen cannot, due to their physical location close to the giant European urban region of Paris. / Dagens europeiska städer står inför en utmaning att finna sätt att förbli konkurrenskraftiga och framgångsrika i en snabbt föränderlig värld, där de gamla mönstren vad gäller centralitet och periferi inte längre nödvändigtvis gäller. Nya och förbättrade kommunikationsnätverk, en förändrad politisk geografi i Europa, globaliseringen av inte bara de finansiella och industriella systemen, utan även till viss del en globalisering av människorna, har alla lett till stora utmaningar för städer och regioner. I en förändrad rumsgeografisk verklighet utmanas de klassiska monocentriska modellerna av nyare urbaniseringsmodeller. Den polycentriska urbana regionen är en sådan modell som har använts för att beskriva urbana regioner som Randstad i Nederländerna och Rhein-Ruhrregionen i Tyskland. Regioner som saknar den ensamt dominierande centrala staden från de klassiska monocentriska modellerna, och istället uppvisar en hög grad av mer jämnstora och ibland mer specialiserade städer i regionalt samarbete. Den polycentriska urbana regionen är mot den bakgrunden en möjlig modell för hur andra urbaniserade regioner i Europa kan agera för att positionera sig själva som attraktiva urbana regioner och regionala nav i det Europeiska urbana nätverket. Polycentriska urbana regioner är däremot inte någon universallösning. För att sådana regioner ska fungera krävs att ett antal punkter är uppfyllda, något som gör det till en möjlig framtid för regioner som exempelvis Haute-Normandie i Frankrike, där de två städerna Le Havre och Rouen tillsammans kan bilda en urban region och redan visar tecken på att gå i den riktningen, medan en region som Dolnośląskie i Polen – där staden Wrocław är den dominerande staden i vad som utgör en mer traditionell monocentrisk region – har betydligt mindre möjlighet att använda sig av en polycentrisk strategi på det regionala planet för att bli konkurrenskraftig. Å andra sidan kan en sådan stad och region istället utnyttja det faktum att Polen är en ovanligt polycentrisk stat, och som en av de större städerna i en sådan miljö har Wrocław möjligheten att positionera sig själv som ett nav i det europeiska urbana nätverket på ett sätt som Le Havre och Rouen inte kan, till följd av deras fysiska lokalisering nära den gigantiska europeiska urbaniserade regionen Paris.

This Bachelor thesis deals with the act of the British Labour Party when they recalled a referendum promised by former Prime Minister Tony Blair. Tony Blair promised a referendum on the Constitutional Treaty, but his successor Gordon Brown later recalled it when the Lisbon Treaty succeeded the Constitutional Treaty as the legal foundation of the European Union. The main purpose of this thesis was to with help from various theorethical frameworks explain why the Labour Party decided to do this, even if this decision gave the main opposition party, the Conservative and Unionist Party (the Tories), the chance to heavily critisize the Labour Party, and picture them as traitors. The research questions were: • What are the reasons that the Labour Party went from being a Eurosceptical party, to become more pro-European? • Why did the Labour Party cancel the promised referendum on the new treaty of the European Union? Various answers were found for the first research question. Among the most important was that it was a part of the over all transition which led to the launch of New Labour. The second research question was answered with three explanatory models based on actions of the Labour Party on three arenas; the electoral arena (based on power, this model claims that the Labour Party act as they do because the know the Tories would not act differently if they were in office), the parliamentary arena (based on ideology, this model claims that Labour want the Lisbon Treaty because it has a stronger social dimension than earlier treaties) and the internal arena (based on the problem of identification, this model claims that the Labour Party identifies itself with the British government, and not just the voters, and are afraid of damaging Britain’s influence in the EU and international politics if Britain says ‘no’ to the Lisbon Treaty).

This paper aims at analyzing and understanding the political conflict between the EU and member states Hungary and Poland that has increased in recent years. Though this paper's focus will be on the different understanding and application of democracy, its meaning and values. By understanding the different approach to democracy, through liberal democracy and illiberal democracy, one may understand the conflict better and its implication for European integration. This paper analyses the democratic development in Hungary and Poland, the theories behind their development and its response from the EU. The importance of understanding the core values of democracy and understanding of it, be it liberal democracy or illiberal democracy, is not to be underestimated. Only by understanding these differences in core values can we understand the conflict of Rule of Law between the EU and its illiberal member states. This paper concludes that the negative democratic development in these states and their governments' public philosophical and political narratives for their reforms are not in coordination with neither reality nor public opinion. It also finds that the development of illiberal democracies within the EU is a threat to future European integration and the normative legitimacy of the EU in internal and foreign matters.

No description available.

Uppsatsens syfte är att förstå hur den Europeiska kommissionen och Europaparlamentet diskuterar differentierad integration. Metoden som används är en kvalitativ textanalys där teorier om europeisk integration från forskningsområdet internationella relationer används som analysverktyg. En slutsats som dras är att teorierna om neofunktionalism och liberal intergovernmentalism kan komplettera varandra för att ge en mer mångsidig förståelse av de något olika diskussionerna. Den Europeiska kommissionen och Europaparlamentet vill i de tolkade dokumenten främst bibehålla en enhetlig union, men de är villiga att ge frihet till ambitiösa medlemsstater inom särskilda policyområden genom inkluderande opt in-lösningar av differentierad integration. Den Europeiska kommissionen och Europaparlamentet är motståndare till exkluderande opt out-lösningar av differentierad integration, de menar att exkluderande former av differentiering exempelvis skulle kunna leda till polarisering, fragmentering och ett upplevt skapande av ett första- och andraklassens EU-medlemskap. Gradvist tillträde är därmed historiskt sett som en sämre lösning till problemet kring kandidatländers integration, om gradvist tillträde skulle implementeras i integrationsprocessen för framtida kandidatländer skulle det därmed innebära ett trendbrott inom utvidgningspolicyn från den Europeiska unionen. / The thesis’ purpose is to understand how the European Commission and the European Parliament discusses differentiated integration. The method applied is a qualitative text analysis in which theories of European integration from the research field of international relations is used as an analytical tool. One conclusion recognises the fact that both the theory of neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism are complementary tools in understanding the discussions from a multitude of perspectives. The European Commission and the European Parliament expressed in the analysed documents that uniform integration within the Union is preferred, but they are still open to giving freedom to Member States in specific policy areas through inclusionary opt-in measures of differentiated integration. The European Commission and European Parliament are opposed to exclusionary opt-out measures of differentiation, as they mean it could lead to polarisation, fragmentation, and the perceived notion of first- and second-class Member States. Staged accession is therefore historically seen as a poor solution to the problem of integrating the candidate countries, if staged accession would be implemented into the integration process for future candidate countries, it would therefore mark a change in trend within the enlargement policy of the European Union.